With cheaper production techniques, surveillance cameras are simple and inexpensive enough to be used in home security systems, and for everyday surveillance. As of , there are about million surveillance cameras worldwide. The growth of CCTV has been slowing in recent years. In the United States , the Department of Homeland Security awards billions of dollars per year in Homeland Security grants for local, state, and federal agencies to install modern video surveillance equipment.
Speaking in , Chicago Mayor Richard Daley announced that Chicago would have a surveillance camera on every street corner by the year In the United Kingdom , the vast majority of video surveillance cameras are not operated by government bodies, but by private individuals or companies, especially to monitor the interiors of shops and businesses.
In the Netherlands, one example city where there are cameras is The Hague. There, cameras are placed in city districts in which the most illegal activity is concentrated. Examples are the red-light districts and the train stations. They will be connected to a centralized database and monitoring station, which will, upon completion of the project, contain a picture of the face of every person in China: over 1.
The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency DARPA is funding a research project called Combat Zones That See that will link up cameras across a city to a centralized monitoring station, identify and track individuals and vehicles as they move through the city, and report "suspicious" activity such as waving arms, looking side-to-side, standing in a group, etc. At Super Bowl XXXV in January , police in Tampa, Florida, used Identix's facial recognition software, FaceIt, to scan the crowd for potential criminals and terrorists in attendance at the event  it found 19 people with pending arrest warrants.
Governments often  initially claim that cameras are meant to be used for traffic control , but many of them end up using them for general surveillance. For example, Washington, D. The development of centralized networks of CCTV cameras watching public areas — linked to computer databases of people's pictures and identity biometric data , able to track people's movements throughout the city, and identify whom they have been with — has been argued by some to present a risk to civil liberties.
One common form of surveillance is to create maps of social networks based on data from social networking sites such as Facebook , MySpace , Twitter as well as from traffic analysis information from phone call records such as those in the NSA call database ,  and others. Many U. These types of threats are most easily countered by finding important nodes in the network, and removing them.
To do this requires a detailed map of the network. Jason Ethier of Northeastern University, in his study of modern social network analysis, said the following of the Scalable Social Network Analysis Program developed by the Information Awareness Office :. The purpose of the SSNA algorithms program is to extend techniques of social network analysis to assist with distinguishing potential terrorist cells from legitimate groups of people In order to be successful SSNA will require information on the social interactions of the majority of people around the globe.
Since the Defense Department cannot easily distinguish between peaceful citizens and terrorists, it will be necessary for them to gather data on innocent civilians as well as on potential terrorists. Some people believe that the use of social networking sites is a form of "participatory surveillance", where users of these sites are essentially performing surveillance on themselves, putting detailed personal information on public websites where it can be viewed by corporations and governments.
Examples of mostly behavioral characteristics include gait a person's manner of walking or voice. Facial recognition is the use of the unique configuration of a person's facial features to accurately identify them, usually from surveillance video. Another form of behavioral biometrics, based on affective computing , involves computers recognizing a person's emotional state based on an analysis of their facial expressions, how fast they are talking, the tone and pitch of their voice, their posture, and other behavioral traits.
This might be used for instance to see if a person's behavior is suspect looking around furtively, "tense" or "angry" facial expressions, waving arms, etc. A more recent development is DNA profiling , which looks at some of the major markers in the body's DNA to produce a match. The computers running the database are contained in an underground facility about the size of two American football fields. The Los Angeles Police Department is installing automated facial recognition and license plate recognition devices in its squad cars, and providing handheld face scanners, which officers will use to identify people while on patrol.
Facial thermographs are in development, which allow machines to identify certain emotions in people such as fear or stress, by measuring the temperature generated by blood flow to different parts of the face. In his paper in Ethics and Information Technology , Avi Marciano maps the harms caused by biometric surveillance, traces their theoretical origins, and brings these harms together in one integrative framework to elucidate their cumulative power.
Marciano proposes four types of harms: Unauthorized use of bodily information, denial or limitation of access to physical spaces, bodily social sorting, and symbolic ineligibility through construction of marginality and otherness. Biometrics' social power, according to Marciano, derives from three main features: their complexity as "enigmatic technologies", their objective-scientific image, and their increasing agency, particularly in the context of automatic decision-making.
Aerial surveillance is the gathering of surveillance, usually visual imagery or video, from an airborne vehicle—such as an unmanned aerial vehicle , helicopter , or spy plane. Military surveillance aircraft use a range of sensors e. Digital imaging technology, miniaturized computers, and numerous other technological advances over the past decade have contributed to rapid advances in aerial surveillance hardware such as micro-aerial vehicles , forward-looking infrared , and high-resolution imagery capable of identifying objects at extremely long distances. For instance, the MQ-9 Reaper ,  a U.
The United States Department of Homeland Security is in the process of testing UAVs to patrol the skies over the United States for the purposes of critical infrastructure protection , border patrol, " transit monitoring ", and general surveillance of the U. The United Kingdom , as well, is working on plans to build up a fleet of surveillance UAVs ranging from micro-aerial vehicles to full-size drones , to be used by police forces throughout the U. In addition to their surveillance capabilities, MAVs are capable of carrying tasers for " crowd control ", or weapons for killing enemy combatants.
They have developed systems consisting of large teams drone planes that pilot themselves, automatically decide who is "suspicious" and how to go about monitoring them, coordinate their activities with other drones nearby, and notify human operators if something suspicious is occurring. This greatly increases the amount of area that can be continuously monitored, while reducing the number of human operators required.
Thus a swarm of automated, self-directing drones can automatically patrol a city and track suspicious individuals, reporting their activities back to a centralized monitoring station. Corporate surveillance is the monitoring of a person or group's behavior by a corporation. The data collected is most often used for marketing purposes or sold to other corporations, but is also regularly shared with government agencies. Although there is a common belief that monitoring can increase productivity, it can also create consequences such as increasing chances of deviant behavior and creating punishments that are not equitable to their actions.
Data mining is the application of statistical techniques and programmatic algorithms to discover previously unnoticed relationships within the data. Data profiling can be an extremely powerful tool for psychological and social network analysis. A skilled analyst can discover facts about a person that they might not even be consciously aware of themselves. Economic such as credit card purchases and social such as telephone calls and emails transactions in modern society create large amounts of stored data and records.
In the past, this data was documented in paper records, leaving a " paper trail ", or was simply not documented at all. Correlation of paper-based records was a laborious process—it required human intelligence operators to manually dig through documents, which was time-consuming and incomplete, at best. But today many of these records are electronic, resulting in an " electronic trail ".
Every use of a bank machine, payment by credit card, use of a phone card, call from home, checked out library book, rented video, or otherwise complete recorded transaction generates an electronic record. Public records—such as birth, court, tax and other records—are increasily being digitized and made available online. In addition, due to laws like CALEA , web traffic and online purchases are also available for profiling.
Electronic record-keeping makes data easily collectable, storable, and accessible—so that high-volume, efficient aggregation and analysis is possible at significantly lower costs. Information relating to many of these individual transactions is often easily available because it is generally not guarded in isolation, since the information, such as the title of a movie a person has rented, might not seem sensitive. However, when many such transactions are aggregated they can be used to assemble a detailed profile revealing the actions, habits, beliefs, locations frequented, social connections , and preferences of the individual.
The centers will collect and analyze vast amounts of data on U. It will get this data by consolidating personal information from sources such as state driver's licensing agencies, hospital records, criminal records, school records, credit bureaus, banks, etc. Under United States v. Miller , data held by third parties is generally not subject to Fourth Amendment warrant requirements. Organizations that have enemies who wish to gather information about the groups' members or activities face the issue of infiltration.
In addition to operatives' infiltrating an organization, the surveilling party may exert pressure on certain members of the target organization to act as informants i. Fielding operatives is very expensive, and for governments with wide-reaching electronic surveillance tools at their disposal the information recovered from operatives can often be obtained from less problematic forms of surveillance such as those mentioned above.
Nevertheless, human infiltrators are still common today. For instance, in documents surfaced showing that the FBI was planning to field a total of 15, undercover agents and informants in response to an anti-terrorism directive sent out by George W.
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On May 25, the U. Director of National Intelligence Michael McConnell authorized the National Applications Office NAO of the Department of Homeland Security to allow local, state, and domestic Federal agencies to access imagery from military intelligence Reconnaissance satellites and Reconnaissance aircraft sensors which can now be used to observe the activities of U.
The satellites and aircraft sensors will be able to penetrate cloud cover, detect chemical traces, and identify objects in buildings and "underground bunkers", and will provide real-time video at much higher resolutions than the still-images produced by programs such as Google Earth. One of the simplest forms of identification is the carrying of credentials. Some nations have an identity card system to aid identification, whilst others are considering it but face public opposition.
Other documents, such as passports , driver's licenses, library cards , banking or credit cards are also used to verify identity. If the form of the identity card is "machine-readable", usually using an encoded magnetic stripe or identification number such as a Social Security number , it corroborates the subject's identifying data. In this case it may create an electronic trail when it is checked and scanned, which can be used in profiling, as mentioned above. Radio Frequency Identification RFID tagging is the use of very small electronic devices called "RFID tags" which are applied to or incorporated into a product, animal, or person for the purpose of identification and tracking using radio waves.
The tags can be read from several meters away. They are extremely inexpensive, costing a few cents per piece, so they can be inserted into many types of everyday products without significantly increasing the price, and can be used to track and identify these objects for a variety of purposes. Workers in U. Verichip is slightly larger than a grain of rice, and is injected under the skin. The injection reportedly feels similar to receiving a shot.
The chip is encased in glass, and stores a "VeriChip Subscriber Number" which the scanner uses to access their personal information, via the Internet, from Verichip Inc. Thousands of people have already had them inserted. This information could be used for identification, tracking, or targeted marketing. As of [update] , this has largely not come to pass. In the U. Several cities are running pilot projects to require parolees to wear GPS devices to track their movements when they get out of prison.
Mobile phones are also commonly used to collect geolocation data. The geographical location of a powered mobile phone and thus the person carrying it can be determined easily whether it is being used or not , using a technique known as multilateration to calculate the differences in time for a signal to travel from the cell phone to each of several cell towers near the owner of the phone.
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Victor Kappeler  of Eastern Kentucky University indicates that police surveillance is a strong concern, stating the following statistics from Of the , law enforcement requests made to Verizon, 54, of these requests were for "content" or "location" information—not just cell phone numbers or IP addresses. Content information included the actual text of messages, emails and the wiretapping of voice or messaging content in real-time. A comparatively new off-the-shelf surveillance device is an IMSI-catcher , a telephone eavesdropping device used to intercept mobile phone traffic and track the movement of mobile phone users.
Essentially a "fake" mobile tower acting between the target mobile phone and the service provider's real towers, it is considered a man-in-the-middle MITM attack. IMSI-catchers are used in some countries by law enforcement and intelligence agencies , but their use has raised significant civil liberty and privacy concerns and is strictly regulated in some countries. A human microchip implant is an identifying integrated circuit device or RFID transponder encased in silicate glass and implanted in the body of a human being.
A subdermal implant typically contains a unique ID number that can be linked to information contained in an external database, such as personal identification, medical history, medications, allergies, and contact information. Several types of microchips have been developed in order to control and monitor certain types of people, such as criminals, political figures and spies, [ clarification needed ] a "killer" tracking chip patent was filed at the German Patent and Trademark Office DPMA around May The U.
Law enforcement and intelligence services in the U. As more people use faxes and e-mail the significance of surveilling the postal system is decreasing, in favor of Internet and telephone surveillance. But interception of post is still an available option for law enforcement and intelligence agencies, in certain circumstances. Central Intelligence Agency and Federal Bureau of Investigation have performed twelve separate mail-opening campaigns targeted towards U. In one of these programs, more than , communications were intercepted, opened, and photographed.
A stakeout is the coordinated surveillance of a location or person. Stakeouts are generally performed covertly and for the purpose of gathering evidence related to criminal activity. The term derives from the practice by land surveyors of using survey stakes to measure out an area before the main building project is commenced.
The management of wildlife populations often requires surveillance. This includes, for example surveillance of 1 Invasive species  location and abundance for more effective management,  2 illegal fishers and poachers   to reduce harvest and overexploitation of natural resources, 3 the population abundances of endangered species to decrease the risk of extinction, and 4 wildlife diseases that can damage crops, agriculture and natural populations.
Supporters of surveillance systems believe that these tools can help protect society from terrorists and criminals. They argue that surveillance can reduce crime by three means: by deterrence, by observation, and by reconstruction.
Surveillance can deter by increasing the chance of being caught, and by revealing the modus operandi. This requires a minimal level of invasiveness. Another method on how surveillance can be used to fight criminal activity is by linking the information stream obtained from them to a recognition system for instance, a camera system that has its feed run through a facial recognition system. This can for instance auto-recognize fugitives and direct police to their location. A distinction here has to be made however on the type of surveillance employed.
Some people that say support video surveillance in city streets may not support indiscriminate telephone taps and vice versa. Besides the types, the way in how this surveillance is done also matters a lot; i. Surveillance can also be used to give human operatives a tactical advantage through improved situational awareness, or through the use of automated processes, i.
Surveillance can help reconstruct an incident and prove guilt through the availability of footage for forensics experts. Surveillance can also influence subjective security if surveillance resources are visible or if the consequences of surveillance can be felt.
Some of the surveillance systems such as the camera system that has its feed run through a facial recognition system mentioned above can also have other uses besides countering criminal activity. For instance, it can help on retrieving runaway children, abducted or missing adults and mentally disabled people.
Other supporters simply believe that there is nothing that can be done about the loss of privacy, and that people must become accustomed to having no privacy. Get over it. Another common argument is: " If you aren't doing something wrong then you don't have anything to fear.
However, if they are following the law the surveillance would not affect them. With the advent of programs such as the Total Information Awareness program and ADVISE , technologies such as high speed surveillance computers and biometrics software, and laws such as the Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act , governments now possess an unprecedented ability to monitor the activities of their subjects.
Fears such as this have led to numerous lawsuits such as Hepting v. Some critics state that the claim made by supporters should be modified to read: "As long as we do what we're told, we have nothing to fear. For instance, a person who is part of a political group which opposes the policies of the national government, might not want the government to know their names and what they have been reading, so that the government cannot easily subvert their organization, arrest, or kill them. Other critics state that while a person might not have anything to hide right now, the government might later implement policies that they do wish to oppose, and that opposition might then be impossible due to mass surveillance enabling the government to identify and remove political threats.
Further, other critics point to the fact that most people do have things to hide. For example, if a person is looking for a new job, they might not want their current employer to know this. Also if an employer wishes total privacy to watch over their own employee and secure their financial information it may become impossible, and they may not wish to hire those under surveillance.
The most concern of detriment is securing the lives of those who live under total surveillance willingly, educating the public to those under peaceful watch while identifying terrorist and those who use the same surveillance systems and mechanisms in opposition to peace, against civilians, and to disclose lives removed from the laws of the land.
In addition, a significant risk of private data collection stems from the fact that this risk is too much unknown to be readily assessed today. Storage is cheap enough to have data stored forever, and the models using which it will be analyzed in a decade from now cannot reasonably be foreseen. In December , the Government of China took steps to oppose widespread surveillance by security-company cameras, webcams, and IP Cameras after tens-of-thousands were made accessible for internet viewing by IT company Qihoo .
Kate Martin, of the Center For National Security Studies said of the use of military spy satellites being used to monitor the activities of U. Some point to the blurring of lines between public and private places, and the privatization of places traditionally seen as public such as shopping malls and industrial parks as illustrating the increasing legality of collecting personal information.
Unlike automatic fingerprint reading, which requires an individual to press a finger against a machine, this technique is subtle and requires little to no consent. Some critics, such as Michel Foucault , believe that in addition to its obvious function of identifying and capturing individuals who are committing undesirable acts, surveillance also functions to create in everyone a feeling of always being watched, so that they become self-policing. This allows the State to control the populace without having to resort to physical force, which is expensive and otherwise problematic.
With the development of digital technology, individuals have become increasingly perceptible to one another, as surveillance becomes virtual. Online surveillance is the utilization of the internet to observe one's activity. In her book Superconnected , Chayko differentiates between two types of surveillance: vertical and horizontal. Such powerful authorities often justify their incursions as a means to protect society from threats of violence or terrorism.
Some individuals question when this becomes an infringement on civil rights. Horizontal diverges from vertical surveillance as the tracking shifts from an authoritative source to an everyday figure, such as a friend, coworker, or stranger that is interested in one's mundane activities. In addition, Simone Browne argues that surveillance wields an immense racializing quality such that it operates as "racializing surveillance.
Numerous civil rights groups and privacy groups oppose surveillance as a violation of people's right to privacy. There have been several lawsuits such as Hepting v. Department of Justice by groups or individuals, opposing certain surveillance activities. People vs. Diaz was a court case in the realm of cell phone privacy, even though the decision was later overturned.
In this case, Gregory Diaz was arrested during a sting operation for attempting to sell ecstasy. During his arrest, police searched Diaz's phone and found more incriminating evidence including SMS text messages and photographs depicting illicit activities. During his trial, Diaz attempted to have the information from his cell phone removed from evidence, but the courts deemed it as lawful and Diaz's appeal was denied on the California State Court level and, later, the Supreme Court level.
Just three short years after, this decision was overturned in the case Riley vs. California Riley vs. California was an extremely vital Supreme Court case in which a man was arrested for his involvement in a drive-by shooting. A few days after the shooting the police made an arrest of the suspect Riley , and, during the arrest, the police searched him. However, this search was not only of Riley's person, but also the police opened and searched his cell phone, finding pictures of other weapons, drugs, and of Riley showing gang signs. In court, the question arose whether searching the phone was lawful or if the search was protected by the 4th amendment of the constitution.
The decision held that the search of Riley's cell phone during the arrest was illegal, and that it was protected by the 4th Amendment. Countersurveillance is the practice of avoiding surveillance or making surveillance difficult. Developments in the late twentieth century have caused counter surveillance to dramatically grow in both scope and complexity, such as the Internet, increasing prevalence of electronic security systems , high-altitude and possibly armed UAVs , and large corporate and government computer databases.
Inverse surveillance is the practice of the reversal of surveillance on other individuals or groups e. Well-known examples are George Holliday 's recording of the Rodney King beating and the organization Copwatch , which attempts to monitor police officers to prevent police brutality. Counter-surveillance can be also used in applications to prevent corporate spying, or to track other criminals by certain criminal entities.
It can also be used to deter stalking methods used by various entities and organizations. Sousveillance is inverse surveillance, involving the recording by private individuals, rather than government or corporate entities. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about surveillance in espionage.
For health surveillance, see Health surveillance. For surveillance of electronic computer systems, see Computer and network surveillance. Main article: Computer surveillance. Main articles: Phone surveillance and Lawful interception. Main article: Closed-circuit television. Main article: Biometrics. Further information: Surveillance aircraft. Main article: Corporate surveillance.
Main article: Reconnaissance satellite. See also: GPS tracking. Main article: Microchip implant human. See also: United States v. Spy Factory, Inc. For other uses, see Stakeout disambiguation. See also: Hawthorne effect. Main article: List of films featuring surveillance. Scientific American.
Retrieved March 13, Electronic Frontier Foundation website. Archived from the original on May 3, Retrieved March 14, September 20, USA Today. Associated Press. Retrieved March 19, ZDNet News. Retrieved September 26, Wired Magazine. July 18, New York Times. Retrieved June 30, The Atlantic. Many of these devices were located on the body, sometimes like a wearable item of apparel as with early portable radios worn by strap Schiffer — Portability has miniaturization as one of its necessary concomitants.
Typically, this happened through the development of substitute technologies using different material resources and unfamiliar physical principles hence, the shift from glass and tungsten-based vacuum tubes to germanium and silicon-based transistors. But a related impetus might be that of cost, given that smaller materials which are also typically lighter use less power and are easier to carry and therefore less p.
Hence, the development of plastics from the burgeoning petrochemical industry in the early to mid-twentieth century, making, for example, portable radios much lighter in weight Bakelite in the s or newer molded plastics in the s and after Schiffer , , Equally important was the miniaturization of power sources for electrical and electronic goods, principally through the shrinking of the battery used for hearing aids in the mids and the pocket radio shortly afterward Schiffer One of the effects of miniaturization was the creation of new relationships between bodies and sound-producing devices.
Given the demands of operating such devices—and for consumers to develop new skills in doing so think of the new experience of radio tuning, for example —it is unsurprising that one of the principal techno-corporeal relationships centered around the human hand, which was not only used to operate devices, it was also central to carrying or porting them.
Hence, in the earlier phases of portability, many devices were housed in suitcase- or briefcase-sized boxes to which handles were attached. As devices became smaller, they occasioned a range of possible degrees of proximity to the body—a range of ranges—perhaps most simply delineated by being close to, on, or in the body as with the personal radios discussed earlier. In most cases, proximity or wearability allowed for a greater intimacy between hand and device.
But the hand not only manipulated devices; it also served as a primary reference point for them, and for portability more generally, at times even used as in advertisements as a proxy means of measurement or weight-assessment. See Figure 1. Used with the generous permission of Energizer Holdings, Inc. Over the course of the long century of mobile music, the massive transformations in mobility discussed above resulted in humans moving across larger distances more quickly, for a number of reasons including everyday transit for shopping, etc.
As portability became increasingly personal in terms of device-size and usage , it facilitated and reproduced the ability for travelers to bring their music with them; a key feature of the personal portable device is that the closer it is to the body, the easier it becomes to traverse great distances a suitcase-sized device presenting more of a hindrance to mobility than, say, a pocket-sized MP3-player.
Moreover, the increasing pervasiveness of the personal portable was mirrored by comparable expectations for sonic production within vehicles that were used to bring people from one place to another—hence, the automobile radio, the in-flight radio feed, and so forth. Ivor Brown, The widespread sale of portable gramophones and radios immediately after WWI and the pocket transistor radio within a decade after the end of WWII can be seen as part of a longer history of sonic ubiquity. The achievement of sonic ubiquity was, in many but not all senses, a technological one, and innovations in a variety of domains enabled the creation of compact devices that could be ported from one listening node to another.
But why did portability become connected to music in this way, and what were the various provocations for a newly transformed musical and sonic portability? In our view, the emergence of portability as a key basis for musical production and consumption depended profoundly upon a number of interpenetrate factors operating in a complex feedback loop with one another. There are far-reaching implications for such a socio-sonic transformation. The development of an ever-proliferating number of new nodes for music consumption and listening, dependent in part on the automation of musical reproduction through sound recording and the player piano, irrevocably transformed social space.
The production of many new music and sound devices was inseparable from the growth of the music industry, particularly as it shifted toward the sales and broadcasting of prerecorded music in the s and s and gradually away from notated sheet music. To make a piece of music instantly audible at any point on the earth, regardless of where it is performed. A panoply of gadgets and household devices were overtaking social space, thereby indexing a narrative about the expansion of capitalist modernity. Object to a bit of jazz!
To sit about in silence or merely to talk! Really, how curious, how extremely odd! For them the flow of sound from the box is the unusual thing: they select some item of the aerial programme and try to obtain it. For the youngster and his kind there is little or no selection: perpetuity of such noise is normal. What Brown charts is an incipient moment of the shifting spatial dynamic in musical listening that emerged with the new devices and systems discussed above.
To state the obvious, mobility and ubiquity are therefore undeniably bound up with one another. If this means the loss of authenticity in our sense of the term, this can also mean an increase of authenticity in another sense, just as the authority of an advertisement increases when it is repeated again and again.
But, mobile music does not begin at this moment; rather, we can backdate its emergence to earlier decades, with the development of the previously mentioned suitcase gramophone and other portable mechanical musical technologies. One index of this condition can be found in turn-of-the-twentieth-century print advertisements. The advertisement is split into two panels.
On the bottom panel, a white, upper-middle-class family listens to the gramophone and gazes upon the performers above. In the middle of this image is a short but fascinating piece of advertising copy, the first paragraph of which reads:. You can hear any kind of music, anywhere, anytime, if you own an Edison Phonograph. For more than a hundred years it has operated as a key advertising trope for the mobile music industry and, as such, we argue that it needs to be acknowledged as an absolutely crucial discursive figure within mobile music studies.
And yet, the advertisements featuring this trope seem to highlight different spaces p. In contrast, it is rather uncommon to see advertising treatments of all-temporal access by, say, listening to music at some very strange hour. Used with the generous permission of Ludwig Edgarian. In the Edison advertisement the trope provides a clear p.
The device is not just a playback machine; it serves as a traveling companion. Indeed, much of the marketing discourse for mobile musical devices emphasizes ease of travel and its relationship to portable music listening through various tropes. Just as crucial seems to be a sense that mobile music devices are capable of withstanding radically different environments, including hostile ones.
An advertisement that appeared in the September issue of National Geographic for the Zenith Trans-Oceanic Portable enthusiastically claims. Take it anywhere—it plays in remotest areas, below-zero p. Often, travel is depicted directly in these ads, which feature daytime jaunts or vacations to parks, campgrounds, beaches and other tourist and leisure spaces. Regarding the social, advertisements feature uses of devices in a wide variety of locales, effectively granting consumers permission or license to use them in places that they may not have appeared before, with some ads depicting single locations, and others representing a large number of places often in separate panels.
Perhaps the best, and presently most pervasive, example of this processual intertwining is to be found in headphone or earphone use. As ubiquitous as public usage of the headphone or more recently, the earbud has become, it too has an extensive history, one virtually coterminous with the long century of mobile music see for example the headphoned radio listener in Figure 1. In this regard, a Western Radio advertisement that appeared in Popular Science in March for a pocket radio is telling:.
Still images can, however, convey movement —especially those showing people walking with their radios, mid-stride, or listening while in an automobile, with their hair blowing back in the wind.
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Likewise, the common use of musical notation to graphically depict sound pouring out of speakers and devices activates these advertising images, expanding the horizon of their temporality to a duration longer than an instant. Finally, if the process of movement and the depiction of on-the-go listening serve to represent an anytime-ness in an advertising scenario concretely devoid of most actual times of day—the typical daytime hour of the mobile music advertisement seems to be the bright midday or mid-afternoon sun—there is a similarly generalized character of the individuals in these advertisements, specifically that they seem to be monoaffectively happy and carefree.
As such, depicted listeners appear jovial enough p. Examples of the microdetails of everyday mobile music listening can certainly be found in the printed press. Consider the use of the portable transistor radio in the s and s, for example. The sheer bizarreness of hearing portable sound sources emerging from transistor radios concealed in the pockets of passers-by did not go unregistered once such radios had been sufficiently miniaturized.
The women looked again and again. Attempts to improve reception were surely a large part of mobile radio experience, given the widely varying signal field in which listeners were immersed. The new listening ecologies of the transistor radio had corporeal effects too, changing the very gaits of urban dwellers.
In some instances, mobile music listening had more profound consequences, as was the case for policemen enforcing anti-integration orders from Alabama governor George Wallace during the Civil Rights Movement struggles of the s. The policemen stared straight ahead. Some of them chewed gum. Here, mobile music listening may have served to steel the nerves of an anxious officer, or it may have helped him to convey the nonchalance of state authority, providing additional force in the face of racially integrated groups of parents and students. The last example points to an important and longstanding history of experience management through mobile music listening.
One aspect of such listening surely includes the gifting of sequenced music tracks through mix tapes, mix CDs, and, more recently, playlists, which can offer powerful means of communicating and bonding within intimate relationships, including those experienced p. Two examples from the first quarter of the twentieth century point to a longstanding complexity in the historical experience of mobile music listening, if by no means capturing it in its totality. To illustrate this point, we might consider instances of someone using a portable music player out of place , which in part dramatizes the experience-management effect of mobile listening.
Our first example, the tale of Wanda Hawley in the early s, suggests a long history of mobile music listening by actors. We have heard the Kreutzer Sonata many a time and oft, but never once has it inclined us to tears. Thus Wanda Hawley, the golden-locked U. At the Gaumont Studios, during the week, she gave me ocular proof of her method. Drinking in the dolorous tones the little actress shivered ecstatically.
The Musical Times Sharp Ever noticed the effect of a Band upon men on the march? Seems to put new life into them, however tired they are. Millard These examples point to a marked form of experience management that creates continuities and comforts between disparate locations and spaces, and as such raise the question of how portable music could transform those spaces. In vehicles, radios and eventually cassette players would mask the noises of locomotion itself, which in the aggregate contributed to the growing din of urban life.
Public outings or picnics accompanied by portable gramophones or radios could convert pastures and meadows into living rooms, realizing a new kind of comfortably pastoral experience. Transistor radios provided the ear-pieced listener at sporting events an experience similar to listening to a radio broadcast at home, the announcer providing play-by-play coverage in both environments. These shifting aural fields—or perhaps, better, their pluralization , since earlier ones have not been supplanted—raise an important qualification to our broader argument about the long history of mobile music.
This history is obviously not an undifferentiated one. It includes internal breaks and markers defined by the historical specificities of listening technologies and concomitant practices, and these specificities are not, in the last instance, separable from the development and consumption of particular genres and aesthetic forms. The first involves considering mechanical and p.
The second involves delineating an evental and conjunctural trajectory of specific technologies, devices, formats, delivery systems, markets, and sonico-musical forms, in the most recent manifestation of which the Internet has provided the most extreme possibilities for immediate, individualized listening ever realized hitherto, with access and continuity of experience being largely if not always entirely smoother, more vast, and more immediate than before.
In light of this, we might argue that while convergence is typically thought of as a collapsing of devices and networks, a relatively recent merging of digitization, broadcasting, and networked telecommunications, it is also more fundamentally a merging of temporal and spatial domains of listening and media experience more generally. As we have argued elsewhere, the breakdown of the division between work, consumption, and marketing—which were once relatively distinct activities and temporalities—is a characteristic attribute of the neoliberal period, and mobile music listening is fundamentally bound up with that breakdown, creating continuities between labor, leisure, and audience-construction in ways unthinkable without the vast expansion of networked data-tracking and surveillance technologies Gopinath and Stanyek For example, perpetual listening, increasingly possible through portabilization and miniaturization, helps to create continuities between these divisions of time: consider the worker who listens to headphoned mobile music at home, on a commute, at work, during work breaks, and then on the commute back home, and after, all the while transmitting their listening preferences into data networks.
Indeed, the mobile music market i. Perhaps more relevant for the analysis of social life in the s, then, is the consideration of shifts in mode and activity, which rewrite seemingly self-evident spatiotemporal divisions as acts of will, whether of the user or the network itself. With increasingly prosthetic devices, these kinds of transitions occur anywhere, in every conceivable public or private milieu. That sense of limitlessness, of the transcendence of finitude, may be the enduring hallmark of the utopian moment in capitalism itself, with its peculiar masses of abundance and availability, its commodities beckoning use for a price, contrasting so strikingly with imagined and real economies of scarcity.
In the effective theorization of an imagined field that takes place within the contents of this volume, the question should be asked: what does not count as mobile music studies? To understand this more closely, an examination of a very different understanding of musical mobility is instructive. A few elements stand out.
This musical mobility results in a series of interactions between musical practices, some friendly and others conflictual. Nonetheless, the ground of stylistic mixing of these practices is the power relation between those practices, with asymmetries in power providing the conditions of possibility and the range of possible outcomes. Another important mobile element is music as a commodity , typically in the form of the sound recording although modernized musical production practices are also thematized. In many examples, music travels across long distances in compact media forms—with cassettes being crucial during the s and s Manuel , sound files playing a profoundly important role in more recent times Sterne Here, communities bring socio-musical practices with them, collectively, to new locations, in the process generating new ones or preserving traces of their sources or both one might think here of the African diaspora as the central example.
To contrast this scholarly model with a proposed mobile music studies, we might point out that the essays included in this volume tend to focus less on music qua music—practices, styles, and genres which are, however, more prominently featured in Volume Two, especially in terms of performance —although they by no means ignore music altogether. Nonetheless, mobile music studies might seem to draw greater attention to the mobilization of converters and receptacles and the many ways they are and can be used.
Mobilization, moreover, encompasses a range of design and usage practices that make it possible for music and sound to be conveyed, heard, and manipulated in shifting locales and in perpetuum mobile. The characteristics of mobile music studies as realized here might be understood as follows, in a rather provisional series of propositions. Mobile music studies privileges the analysis of devices and their relationships to humans.
More complex networks of relationships such as those involving device—device—human relations are as crucial as the dyadic dynamic posed above. Mobile music studies attends to practices of listening, but it also pays close attention to multimediatic and intersensorial experience. Mobile music studies does not traffic in auditory exceptionalism see Sterne — Mobile music studies downplays problems of musical style and genre, except in cases in which mobile music devices are explicitly thematized. Likewise, musical p. Mobile music studies maintains an interest in music as a commodity, but it also examines in detail the markets and economies in which those commodities are positioned.
Mobile music studies likewise maintains an interest in the movement of human populations, and it seeks to reveal relationships between collectivities and mobile music devices. Populations also fold back into consumer demographics, critical for the economic issues raised above. Mobile music studies follows in the tradition of everyday music studies DeNora ; Crafts et al. In its de-emphasis of formerly privileged producers, it is the product of a century of musical automation.
Mobile music studies is as much a mobile sound studies as anything else, but it also encroaches upon the study of language and communication as sound. See Sterne — Mobile music studies is an intersection of a number of already existing fields and areas of inquiry.
Anytime, Anywhere? An Introduction to the Devices, Markets, and Theories of Mobile Music
Crucial in this history is the notion of mobilization , wherein listening technologies are made mobile in various ways and to varying degrees. Mobile music is a global phenomenon, a series of uneven developments motivated by leading-edge technologies and commodities while not being reducible to them. Indeed, our volumes are intended to document a recent scholarly trend, one that happily coexists alongside methodologies and approaches of longer provenance. But that coexistence and the relative division of scholarly labor—between the study of content and the study of form as container —seemingly encouraged by a mobile music studies raises the specter of how such practices may productively inform one another.
As it stands, a number of critical issues remain underexplored within this volume, including questions of how existing styles and traditions have come to be experienced within the new mobile dispensation. As an experiment in reorganizing the categories of music and sound scholarship under the rubric of mobility in the way described above , the present volume was constituted by the manifold inquiries offered by our contributors. First, it seems self-evident—judging both from our own observations and those of our contributors—that mobile music is a contested and underspecified term. Grappling with myriad possibilities is crucial in the development of a new area of inquiry: indeed, among the most mobile of concepts may include, in recursive fashion, the mobile itself.
With bionic, prosthetic, and cyborgian possibilities enhanced through electrical and electronic technologies, devices could serve to enhance human listening or even co-listen with humans in a range of contexts. Moreover, mobile device cultures and mobile music seem at once to be associated with relatively younger cohorts p. Fifth, it seems undeniable that the wellsprings of mobile music have been the economic, technological, and geographical possibilities long concentrated disproportionately in urban and, increasingly, suburban and secondary urban centers.
Urban soundscapes typically include a range of contributing and often-competing mobile sound sources—although one might profitably interrogate, for example, the relationships between mobile music and loci of deindustrialization. Sixth—and despite the often transnational and global scope of the processes just described in our previous five categories—the economies of mobile music pricing, wages, size and number of firms, total revenue, large segments of value chains are still mainly determined by individual nation-states and the legal and regulatory frameworks governing their operations.
Hence, there is a great need for comparative studies that clarify geographic variability in the business strategies and ideological imperatives of national mobile music markets. If the theoretical supports of an architecture of mobile music can be found in this volume and its companion publication, we would be loath to convey the misleading impression of comprehensivity. The world of mobile music, even as we understand it, is far too vast and complex to be contained in the following pages.
Novel practices of musical mobility, historically important devices and media forms, and entire large geographical regions with possible local variants in mobile listening and experience are missing. The present scale of scholarship devoted to such matters is hardly commensurate with the range of possible objects of inquiry. It is our hope that such studies should be undertaken and that this volume will serve as an impetus for those tasks, even as a basis for thoroughgoing disagreement and critique.
Because, in the end, and notwithstanding possible material resistances to the incursions of capital embodied in mobile music studies itself, the world has less of a need for yet another study of a canonical composer or songwriter than it does the systematic and critical exploration of proliferating and rapidly shifting phenomena demanding to be identified, mapped, and interpreted.
But if there remains much work to be done, we also are keenly aware of the problems inherent to the founding of new scholarly projects—that is, that they are mere game pieces in the creation and contest of academic capital, buttressing a system under the strain of neoliberal redistributions of capital and perhaps, ultimately, the continuing long-term decline of productive capital accumulation itself.
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London: Verso. Brown, Ivor. Bull, Michael.
Consent Form | Field & Stream
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Crafts, Susan, et al. My Music. Crary, Jonathan. DeNora, Tia. Music in Everyday Life. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. London: Sage Publications. Erlmann, Veit. New York: Zone Books. Feld, Steven, and Charles Keil. Music Grooves: Essays and Dialogues. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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