Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63


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by Mitchell Bard (Updated April 2015)

On 18 July, elements of the Harel Brigade took about 10 villages to the south of Latrun to enlarge and secure the area of the Burma Road. The Arab Legion was able to repel an Israeli attack on Latrun. The Jordanians launched two counterattacks, temporarily taking Beit Susin before being forced back, and capturing Gezer after a fierce battle, which was retaken by two Palmach squads the same evening.

Jewish residents of Jerusalem Old City fleeing during the Jordanian offensive. The Jordanians in Latrun cut off supplies to western Jerusalem. The Israeli forces were seriously short of food, water and ammunition. The Arab Legion fired 10, artillery and mortar shells a day, [] and also attacked West Jerusalem with sniper fire. Heavy house-to-house fighting occurred between 19 and 28 May, with the Arab Legion eventually succeeding in pushing Israeli forces from the Arab neighborhoods of Jerusalem as well as the Jewish Quarter of the Old City.

The Jews had to be escorted out by the Arab Legion to protect them against Palestinian Arab mobs that intended to massacre them. After a fierce battle in which 31 Jordanians and 13 Israelis were killed, the defenders of Ramat Rachel withdrew, only to partially retake the kibbutz the following day. Fighting continued until 26 May, until the entire kibbutz was recaptured. Radar Hill was also taken from the Arab Legion, and held until 26 May, when the Jordanians retook it in a battle that left 19 Israelis and 2 Jordanians dead. A total of 23 attempts by the Harel Brigade to capture Radar Hill in the war failed.

The same day, Thomas C. It was disputed whether Wasson was killed by the Arabs or Israelis. An Iraqi force consisting of two infantry and one armoured brigade crossed the Jordan River from northern Jordan, attacking the Israeli settlement of Gesher with little success. On 25 May, they were making their way towards Netanya , when they were stopped.

Iraqi forces failed in their attacks on Israeli settlements with the most notable battle taking place at Gesher , and instead took defensive positions around Jenin , Nablus , and Tulkarm , from where they could put pressure on the Israeli center. The Alexandroni Brigade then stopped the Iraqi advance and retook Geulim.

The IDF Carmeli and Golani Brigades attempted to capture Jenin during an offensive launched on 31 May, but were defeated in course of the subsequent battle by an Iraqi counterattack. On 14 May Syria invaded Palestine with the 1st Infantry Brigade supported by a battalion of armoured cars, a company of French R 35 and R 37 tanks, an artillery battalion and other units. There are no heavy weapons," Ben-Gurion told the Israeli Cabinet. On 21 May, the Syrian army was stopped at kibbutz Degania Alef in the north, where local militia reinforced by elements of the Carmeli Brigade halted Syrian armored forces with Molotov cocktails , hand grenades and a single PIAT.

One tank that was disabled by Molotov cocktails and hand grenades still remains at the kibbutz. The remaining Syrian forces were driven off the next day by four Napoleonchik mountain guns — Israel's first use of artillery during the war. In the continuity of the civil war between Jewish and Arab forces that had begun in , battles between Israeli forces and Palestinian Arab militias took place, particularly in the Lydda, al-Ramla, Jerusalem, and Haifa areas. All Jewish aviation assets were placed under the control of the Sherut Avir Air Service, known as the SA in November and flying operations began in the following month from a small civil airport on the outskirts of Tel Aviv called Sde Dov , with the first ground support operation in an RWD [] taking place on 17 December.

By 10 May, when the SA suffered its first combat loss, there were three flying units, an air staff, maintenance facilities and logistics support. With its fleet [] of light planes it was no match for Arab forces during the first few weeks of the war with their T-6s , Spitfires , Cs , and Avro Ansons.

Several aircraft were destroyed, some others were damaged, and five Israelis were killed. Throughout the following hours, additional waves of Egyptian aircraft bombed and strafed targets around Tel Aviv, although these raids had little effect. One Spitfire was shot down by anti-aircraft fire, and its pilot was taken prisoner.

In addition to their attacks on Tel Aviv, the Egyptians also bombed rural settlements and airfields, though few casualties were caused in these raids. At the outset of the war, the REAF was able to attack Israel with near impunity, due to the lack of Israeli fighter aircraft to intercept them, [] and met only ground fire. As more effective air defenses were transferred to Tel Aviv, the Egyptians began taking significant aircraft losses. As a result of these losses, as well as the loss of five Spitfires downed by the British when the Egyptians mistakenly attacked RAF Ramat David , the Egyptian air attacks became less frequent.

Although lacking fighter or bomber aircraft, in the first few days of the war, Israel's embryonic air force still attacked Arab targets, with light aircraft being utilized as makeshift bombers, striking Arab encampments and columns. The raids were mostly carried out at night to avoid interception by Arab fighter aircraft. These attacks usually had little effect, except on morale.

The balance of air power soon began to swing in favor of the Israeli Air Force following the arrival of 25 Avia Ss from Czechoslovakia , the first of which arrived in Israel on 20 May. Throughout the rest of the war, Israel would acquire more Avia fighters, as well as 62 Spitfires from Czechoslovakia. Although Tel Aviv would see additional raids by fighter aircraft, there would be no more raids by bombers for the rest of the war.

From then on, the Israeli Air Force began engaging the Arab air forces in air-to-air combat. The first dogfight took place on 8 June, when an Israeli fighter plane flown by Gideon Lichtman shot down an Egyptian Spitfire. By the fall of , the IAF had achieved air superiority and had superior firepower and more knowledgeable personnel, many of whom had seen action in World War II. During a 30 May raid, bombs aimed for Ekron hit central Rehovot , killing 7 civilians and wounding In response to this, and probably to the Jordanian victories at Latrun , Israel began bombing targets in Arab cities.

Some 12 people were killed and 30 wounded. During the attack, an RAF hangar was damaged, as were some British aircraft. The British threatened that in the event of another such attack, they would shoot down the attacking aircraft and bomb Israeli airfields, and as a result, Israeli aircraft did not attack Amman again for the rest of the war. Israel also bombed Arish , Gaza , Damascus , and Cairo. At the outset of the war, the Israeli Navy consisted of three former Aliyah Bet ships that had been seized by the British and impounded in Haifa harbor, where they were tied up at the breakwater.

The ships were put into minimum running condition by contractors dressed as stevedores and port personnel, who were able to work in the engine rooms and below deck. The work had to be clandestine to avoid arousing British suspicion. On 21 May , the three ships set sail for Tel Aviv, and were made to look like ships that had been purchased by foreign owners for commercial use. In Tel Aviv, the ships were fitted with small field guns dating to the late 19th century and anti-aircraft guns. In October , a submarine chaser was purchased from the United States.

The warships were manned by former merchant seamen, former crewmembers of Aliyah Bet ships, Israelis who had served in the Royal Navy during World War II, and foreign volunteers. The newly refurbished and crewed warships served on coastal patrol duties and bombarded Egyptian coastal installations in and around the Gaza area all the way to Port Said. Throughout the following days, the Arabs were only able to make limited gains due to fierce Israeli resistance, and were quickly driven off their new holdings by Israeli counterattacks.

As the war progressed, the IDF managed to field more troops than the Arab forces. In July , the IDF had 63, troops; by early spring , they had , The Arab armies had an estimated 40, troops in July , rising to 55, in October , and slightly more by the spring of Another city, Jenin , was not occupied but its residents fled. The combined Arab forces captured 14 Jewish settlement points, but only one of them, Mishmar HaYarden , was in the territory of the proposed Jewish State according to Resolution Within the boundaries of the proposed Jewish state, there were twelve Arab villages which opposed Jewish control or were captured by the invading Arab armies, and in addition to them, the Lod Airport and pumping station near Antipatris , which were within the boundaries of the proposed Jewish state, were under the control of the Arabs.

The IDF captured about 50 large Arab villages outside of the boundaries of the proposed Jewish State and a larger number of hamlets and Bedouin encampments. This figure ignores the Negev desert which wasn't under any absolute control of either side. In the period between the invasion and the first truce the Syrian army had of its men killed and — injured; the Iraqi expeditionary force had of its men killed and injured; the Jordanian Arab Legion had of its men killed and — including irregulars and Palesinian volunteers fighting under the Jordanians ; the Egyptian army had of its men killed and 1, injured including irregulars from the Muslim Brotherhood ; the ALA, which returned to fight in early June, had of its men killed or injured.

The UN declared a truce on 29 May, which came into effect on 11 June and lasted 28 days. The truce was designed to last 28 days and an arms embargo was declared with the intention that neither side would make any gains from the truce. Neither side respected the truce; both found ways around the restrictions placed on them.

At the time of the truce, the British view was that "the Jews are too weak in armament to achieve spectacular success". The Israeli army increased its manpower from approximately 30,—35, men to almost 65, during the truce due to mobilization and the constant immigration into Israel.

It was also able to increase its arms supply to more than 25, rifles, 5, machine guns, and fifty million bullets. During the truce, Irgun attempted to bring in a private arms shipment aboard a ship called Altalena. When they refused to hand the arms to the Israeli government, Ben-Gurion ordered that the arms be confiscated by force if necessary. After meeting with armed resistance, the army was ordered by Ben-Gurion to sink the ship.

Several Irgun members and IDF soldiers were killed in the fighting. After the truce was in place, Bernadotte began to address the issue of achieving a political settlement.

Arab-Israeli Wars and US Foreign Policy - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History

The main obstacles in his opinion were "the Arab world's continued rejection of the existence of a Jewish state, whatever its borders; Israel's new 'philosophy', based on its increasing military strength, of ignoring the partition boundaries and conquering what additional territory it could; and the emerging Palestinian Arab refugee problem". Taking all the issues into account, Bernadotte presented a new partition plan.

He proposed there be a Palestinian Arab state alongside Israel and that a "Union" "be established between the two sovereign states of Israel and Jordan which now included the West Bank ; that the Negev, or part of it, be included in the Arab state and that Western Galilee, or part of it, be included in Israel; that the whole of Jerusalem be part of the Arab state, with the Jewish areas enjoying municipal autonomy and that Lydda Airport and Haifa be 'free ports' — presumably free of Israeli or Arab sovereignty". The Arabs rejected both the extension of the truce and the proposal.

On 8 July, the day before the expiration of the truce, Egyptian forces under General Muhammad Naguib renewed the war by attacking Negba. During those 10 days, the fighting was dominated by large-scale Israeli offensives and a defensive posture from the Arab side. The task of the 11th Brigades's 1st Battalion on the southern flank was to capture villages, and its operation ran smoothly, with but little resistance from local irregulars.

According to Amnon Neumann, a Palmach veteran of the Southern front, hardly any Arab villages in the south fought back, due to the miserable poverty of their means and lack of weapons, and suffered expulsion. On 12 July, the Egyptians launched an offensive action, and again attacked Negba , which they had previously failed to capture, using three infantry battalions, an armored battalion, and an artillery regiment. In the battle that followed, the Egyptians were repulsed, suffering — casualties, while the Israelis lost 5 dead and 16 wounded. After failing to take Negba, the Egyptians turned their attention to more isolated settlements and positions.

The Egyptians then assaulted the lightly defended village of Be'erot Yitzhak. The Egyptians managed to penetrate the village perimeter, but the defenders concentrated in an inner position in the village and fought off the Egyptian advance until IDF reinforcements arrived and drove out the attackers. The Egyptians suffered an estimated casualties, while the Israelis had 17 dead and 15 wounded.

The battle was one of Egypt's last offensive actions during the war, and the Egyptians did not attack any Israeli villages following this battle. In a second planned stage of the operation the fortified positions of Latrun — overlooking the Tel Aviv-Jerusalem highway — and the city of Ramallah were also to be captured.

Hadita , near Latrun, was captured by the Israelis at a cost of 9 dead. The objectives of Operation Danny were to capture territory east of Tel Aviv and then to push inland and relieve the Jewish population and forces in Jerusalem. Lydda had become an important military center in the region, lending support to Arab military activities elsewhere, and Ramle was one of the main obstacles blocking Jewish transportation. Lydda was defended by a local militia of around 1, residents, with an Arab Legion contingent of — The IDF forces gathered to attack the city numbered around 8, It was the first operation where several brigades were involved.

The city was attacked from the north via Majdal al-Sadiq and al-Muzayri'a , and from the east via Khulda , al-Qubab , Jimzu and Daniyal. Bombers were also used for the first time in the conflict to bombard the city. The IDF captured the city on 11 July. Up to Arabs and 9—10 Israeli soldiers were killed. The next day, Ramle fell. On 15—16 July, an attack on Latrun took place but did not manage to occupy the fort. Despite the second truce, which began on 18 July, the Israeli efforts to conquer Latrun continued until 20 July. Operation Kedem 's aim was to secure the Old City of Jerusalem, but fewer resources were allocated.

The operation failed. However, it was delayed by David Shaltiel , possibly because he did not trust their ability after their failure to capture Deir Yassin without Haganah assistance. The battle was planned to begin on the Shabbat , at on 16 July, two days before the second ceasefire of the war.

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The plan went wrong from the beginning and was postponed first to and then to midnight. It was not until that the battle actually began. The Irgun managed to break through at the New Gate, but the other forces failed in their missions. At on 17 July, Shaltiel ordered a retreat and to cease hostilities. On 14 July , Irgun occupied the Arab village of Malha after a fierce battle. Several hours later, the Arabs launched a counterattack, but Israeli reinforcements arrived, and the village was retaken at a cost of 17 dead. The second plan was Operation Dekel , which was aimed at capturing the Lower Galilee including Nazareth.

Nazareth was captured on 16 July, and by the time the second truce took effect at 18 July, the whole Lower Galilee from Haifa Bay to the Sea of Galilee was captured by Israel. During the operation, Syrians and Israelis were killed. The Israeli Air Force also bombed Damascus for the first time. At on 18 July, the second truce of the conflict went into effect after intense diplomatic efforts by the UN.

There would be a Jewish state in the whole of Galilee , with the frontier running from Faluja northeast towards Ramla and Lydda. Jerusalem would be internationalized, with municipal autonomy for the city's Jewish and Arab inhabitants, the Port of Haifa would be a free port, and Lydda Airport would be a free airport. All Palestinian refugees would be granted the right of return , and those who chose not to return would be compensated for lost property.

The UN would control and regulate Jewish immigration. The plan was once again rejected by both sides. On the next day, 17 September, Bernadotte was assassinated in Jerusalem by the militant Zionist group Lehi. A four-man team ambushed Bernadotte's motorcade in Jerusalem, killing him and a French UN observer sitting next to him. Lehi saw Bernadotte as a British and Arab puppet, and thus a serious threat to the emerging State of Israel, and feared that the provisional Israeli government would accept the plan, which it considered disastrous.

Unbeknownst to Lehi, the government had already decided to reject it and resume combat in a month. Bernadotte's deputy, American Ralph Bunche , replaced him.

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The law officially added to Israel's size by annexing all land it had captured since the war began. It also declared that from then on, any part of Palestine captured by the Israeli army would automatically become part of Israel. The Arab villagers of the area known as the " Little Triangle " south of Haifa , repeatedly fired at Israeli traffic along the main road from Tel Aviv to Haifa and were supplied by the Iraqis from northern Samaria. The poorly planned assaults on 18 June and 8 July had failed to dislodge Arab militia from their superior positions.

The Israelis launched Operation Shoter on 24 July in order to gain control of the main road to Haifa and to destroy all the enemy in the area. The Israelis then broke the Arab defenses with an infantry and armour assault backed by heavy artillery shelling and aerial bombing. Three Arab villages surrendered, and most of the inhabitants fled before and during the attack. The Israeli soldiers and aircraft struck at one of the Arab retreat routes, killing 60 Arab soldiers. Most of the inhabitants fled before and during the attack, reaching northern Samaria; hundreds were forcibly expelled during the following days.

At least a hundred militiamen and civilians were killed. The Arabs claimed that the Israelis had massacred Arab civilians, but the Israelis rejected the claims. Following the operation, the Tel Aviv-Haifa road was open to Israeli military and civilian traffic, and Arab roadblocks along the route were removed. Traffic along the Haifa- Hadera coastal railway was also restored. Israel launched a series of military operations to drive out the Arab armies and secure the northern and southern borders of Israel. On 22 October, the third truce went into effect. On the same day that the truce came into effect, the Arab Liberation Army violated the truce by attacking Manara , capturing the strongpoint of Sheikh Abed , repulsing counterattacks by local Israeli units, and ambushed Israeli forces attempting to relieve Manara.

Some prisoners were reportedly executed by the Israeli forces. An estimated 50, Palestinian refugees fled into Lebanon, some of them fleeing ahead of the advancing forces, and some expelled from villages which had resisted, while the Arab inhabitants of those villages which had remained at peace were allowed to remain and became Israeli citizens. The villagers of Iqrit and Birim were persuaded to leave their homes by Israeli authorities, who promised them that they would be allowed to return. Israel eventually decided not to allow them to return, and offered them financial compensation, which they refused to accept.

At the end of the month, the IDF had captured the whole of Galilee, driven all Lebanese forces out of Israel, and had advanced 5 miles 8. In the village of Hula , two Israeli officers killed between 35 and 58 prisoners as retaliation for the Haifa Oil Refinery massacre. Both officers were later put on trial for their actions. Israel launched a series of military operations to drive out the Arab armies and secure the borders of Israel.

However, invading the West Bank might have brought into the borders of the expanding State of Israel a massive Arab population it could not absorb. The Negev desert was an empty space for expansion, so the main war effort shifted to Negev from early October.


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Committed to Yoav were three infantry and one armoured brigades, who were given the task of breaking through the Egyptian lines. In the so-called " Faluja Pocket ", an encircled Egyptian force was able to hold out for four months until the Armistice Agreements , when the village was peacefully transferred to Israel and the Egyptian troops left. On 19 October, Operation Ha-Har commenced in the Jerusalem Corridor , while a naval battle also took place near Majdal now Ashkelon , with three Israeli corvettes facing an Egyptian corvette with air support. An Israeli sailor was killed and four wounded, and two of the ships were damaged.

One Egyptian plane was shot down, but the corvette escaped. On 22 October, Israeli naval commandos using explosive boats sank the Egyptian flagship Emir Farouk , and damaged an Egyptian minesweeper. The fort's Egyptian defenders had previously repulsed eight attempts to take it, including two during Operation Yoav.

Israeli forces bombarded the fort before an assault with artillery and airstrikes by B bombers. After breaching the outlying fences without resistance, the Israelis blew a hole in the fort's outer wall, prompting the Egyptian soldiers manning the fort to surrender without a fight. The defeat prompted the Egyptians to evacuate several nearby positions, including hills the IDF had failed to take by force.

The main assaults were spearheaded by mechanized forces, while Golani Brigade infantry covered the rear. An Egyptian counterattack was repulsed. The Egyptians planned another counterattack, but it failed after Israeli aerial reconnaissance revealed Egyptian preparations, and the Israelis launched a preemptive strike. About Egyptians were killed, and 5 tanks were destroyed, with the Israelis losing 5 killed and 30 wounded. During five days of fighting, the Israelis secured the Western Negev, expelling all Egyptian forces from the area. Israeli forces subsequently launched raids into the Nitzana area, and entered the Sinai Peninsula on 28 December.

Israeli forces pulled out of the Sinai on 2 January following joint British-American pressure and a British threat of military action. IDF forces regrouped at the border with the Gaza Strip. Israeli forces attacked Rafah the following day, and after several days of fighting, Egyptian forces in the Gaza Strip were surrounded.

On 28 December, the Alexandroni Brigade failed to take the Falluja Pocket, but managed to seize Iraq el-Manshiyeh and temporarily hold it. The Israelis lost 87 soldiers. On 5 March, Operation Uvda was launched following nearly a month of reconnaissance, with the goal of securing the Southern Negev from Jordan. The IDF entered and secured the territory, but did not meet significant resistance along the way, as the area was already designated to be part of the Jewish state in the UN Partition Plan, and the operation meant to establish Israeli sovereignty over the territory rather than actually conquer it.

The Golani, Negev , and Alexandroni brigades participated in the operation, together with some smaller units and with naval support. The raising of the Ink Flag is considered to be the end of the war. As the fighting progressed and Israel mounted an incursion into the Sinai, the Royal Air Force began conducting almost daily reconnaissance missions over Israel and the Sinai.

High-flying British aircraft frequently flew over Haifa and Ramat David Airbase , and became known to the Israelis as the "shuftykeit. Peake opened fire with his cannons, causing a fire to break out in the port engine. The aircraft turned to sea and lowered its altitude, then exploded and crashed off Ashdod. The pilot and navigator were both killed. The pilots had spotted smoking vehicles and were drawn to the scene out of curiosity. Israeli soldiers on the ground, alerted by the sound of the approaching Spitfires and fearing another Egyptian air attack, opened fire with machine guns.

One Spitfire was shot down by a tank-mounted machine gun, while the other was lightly damaged and rapidly pulled up. All three Spitfires were shot down, and one pilot was killed. Two pilots were captured by Israeli soldiers and taken to Tel Aviv for interrogation, and were later released. The Israeli formation was led by Ezer Weizman. Weizman's plane and two other British aircraft also suffered light damage during the engagement. The battle ended after the British wiggled their wings to be more clearly identified, and the Israelis eventually realized the danger of their situation and disengaged, returning to Hatzor Airbase.

Israeli troops subsequently visited the crash sites, removed various parts, and buried the other aircraft. However, the Israelis did not manage to conceal the wrecks in time to prevent British reconnaissance planes from photographing them. An RAF salvage team was deployed to recover the wrecks, entering Israeli territory during their search. Two were discovered inside Egypt, while Tattersfield's Tempest was found north of Nirim , four miles inside Israel.

Interviews with local Arabs confirmed that the Israelis had visited the crash sites to remove and bury the wrecks. Tattersfield was initially buried near the wreckage, but his body was later removed and reburied at the British War Cemetery in Ramla. British troops in the Middle East were placed on high alert with all leave cancelled, and British citizens were advised to leave Israel.

The Royal Navy was also placed on high alert. At Hatzor Airbase, the general consensus among the pilots, most of whom had flown with or alongside the RAF during World War II, was that the RAF would not allow the loss of five aircraft and two pilots to go without retaliation, and would probably attack the base at dawn the next day. That night, in anticipation of an impending British attack, some pilots decided not to offer any resistance and left the base, while others prepared their Spitfires and were strapped into the cockpits at dawn, preparing to repel a retaliatory airstrike.

However, despite pressure from the squadrons involved in the incidents, British commanders refused to authorize any retaliatory strikes. The day following the incident, British pilots were issued a directive to regard any Israeli aircraft infiltrating Egyptian or Jordanian airspace as hostile and to shoot them down, but were also ordered to avoid activity close to Israel's borders.

Later in January , the British managed to prevent the delivery of aviation spirit and other essential fuels to Israel in retaliation for the incident. The British Foreign Office presented the Israeli government with a demand for compensation over the loss of personnel and equipment. However, many of the resolution's articles were not fulfilled, since these were opposed by Israel, rejected by the Arab states, or were overshadowed by war as the conflict continued.

Largely leftover World War II era weapons were used by both sides. Egypt had some British equipment; the Syrian army had some French. German, Czechoslovak and British equipment was used by Israel. The Armistice Demarcation Lines, as set by the agreements, saw the territory under Israeli control encompassing approximately three-quarters of the prior British administered Mandate as it stood after Transjordan 's independence in Israel controlled territories of about one-third more than was allocated to the Jewish State under the UN partition proposal.

The armistice lines were known afterwards as the " Green Line ". The United Nations Truce Supervision Organization and Mixed Armistice Commissions were set up to monitor ceasefires, supervise the armistice agreements, to prevent isolated incidents from escalating, and assist other UN peacekeeping operations in the region.

Just before the signing of the Israel-Jordan armistice agreement, general Yigal Allon proposed to conquer the West Bank up to the Jordan River as the natural, defensible border of the state. Ben-Gurion refused, although he was aware that the IDF was militarily strong enough to carry out the conquest.

He feared the reaction of Western powers and wanted to maintain good relations with the United States and not to provoke the British. More, the results of the war were already satisfactory and Israeli leaders had to build a state. About 4, were soldiers and the rest were civilians. The exact number of Arab casualties is unknown.

One estimate places the Arab death toll at 7,, including 3, Palestinians, 2, Egyptians, 1, Jordanians, and 1, Syrians. According to Henry Laurens , the Palestinians suffered double the Jewish losses, with 13, dead, 1, of whom are known to have died in combat situations. Of the remainder, 4, remain nameless but the place, tally and date of their death is known, and a further 7,, for whom only the place of death is known, not their identities nor the date of their death.

According to Laurens, the largest part of Palestinian casualties consisted of non-combatants and corresponds to the successful operations of the Israelis. During the — Civil War in Mandatory Palestine and the Arab—Israeli War that followed, around , Palestinian Arabs fled or were expelled from their homes, out of approximately 1,, Arabs living in former British Mandate of Palestine. In , the UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine estimated that the number of Palestinian refugees displaced from Israel was , This number did not include displaced Palestinians inside Israeli-held territory.

More than Arab villages, and about ten Jewish villages and neighborhoods, were depopulated during the Arab—Israeli conflict, most of them during According to estimate based on earlier census, the total Muslim population in Palestine was 1,, in Displaced Palestinian Arabs, known as Palestinian refugees , were settled in Palestinian refugee camps throughout the Arab world.

Arab nations refused to absorb Palestinian refugees, instead keeping them in refugee camps while insisting that they be allowed to return. Refugee status was also passed on to their descendants, who were also largely denied citizenship in Arab states, except in Jordan. The Palestinian refugee problem and debate about the Palestinian right of return are also major issues of the Arab—Israeli conflict.

Palestinians and their supporters have staged annual demonstrations and commemorations on 15 May of each year, which is known to them as " Nakba Day ". The popularity and number of participants in these annual Nakba demonstrations has varied over time. During the Second Intifada after the failure of the Camp David Summit , the attendance at the demonstrations against Israel increased. During the War, around 10, Jews were forced to evacuate their homes from Arab dominated parts of former Mandatory Palestine.

The remaining came mostly from Europe, including , from the , displaced Jews of World War II living in refugee camps and urban centers in Germany, Austria, and Italy, [] and more than , coming from Eastern Europe, [] mainly Romania and Poland over , each. On the establishment of the state, a top priority was given to a policy for the "ingathering of exiles", and the Mossad LeAliyah Bet gave key assistance to the Jewish Agency to organize immigrants from Europe and the Middle East, and arrange for their transport to Israel.

For Ben-Gurion, a fundamental defect of the State was that 'it lacked Jews'. Jewish immigrants from Arab and Muslim countries left for numerous reasons. The war's outcome had exacerbated Arab hostilities to local Jewish communities. News of the victory aroused messianic expectations in Libya and Yemen; Zionism had taken root in many countries; active incentives for making aliyah formed a key part of Israeli policy; and better economic prospects and security were to be expected from a Jewish state.

Some Arab governments, Egypt, for example, held their Jewish communities hostage at times. Persecution, political instability, and news of a number of violent pogroms also played a role. Some ,—1,, Jews eventually left the Arab world over the next three decades as a result of these various factors.

Israel initially relied on Jewish Agency -run tent camps known as immigrant camps to accommodate displaced Jews from Europe and several Muslim-majority states. In the s, these were transformed into transition camps "Ma'abarot" , where living conditions were improved and tents were replaced with tin dwellings.

Unlike the situation in the immigrant camps, when the Jewish Agency provided for immigrants, residents of the transition camps were required to provide for themselves. These camps began to decline in , with the last one closing in The camps were largely transformed into permanent settlements known as development towns , while others were absorbed as neighborhoods of the towns they were attached to, and the residents were given permanent housing in these towns and neighborhoods.

Most development towns eventually grew into cities. Some Jewish immigrants were also given the vacant homes of Palestinian refugees. There were also attempts to settle Jewish refugees from Arab and Muslim countries in moshavim cooperative farming villages , though these efforts were only partially successful, as they had historically been craftsmen and merchants in their home countries, and did not traditionally engage in farm work. After the war, Israeli and Palestinian historiographies differed on the interpretation of the events of [] in the West the majority view was of a tiny group of vastly outnumbered and ill-equipped Jews fighting off the massed strength of the invading Arab armies; it was also widely believed that the Palestinian Arabs left their homes on the instruction of their leaders.

From , with the opening of the Israeli and British archives, some Israeli historians have developed a different account of the period. In particular, the role played by Abdullah I of Jordan , the British government, the Arab aims during the war, the balance of force and the events related to the Palestinian exodus have been nuanced or given new interpretations. The film Cast a Giant Shadow tells the story of an American colonel who was instrumental in the Israeli victory.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. First Arab-Israeli war. Further information: All-Palestine Government. Further information: Israeli Declaration of Independence. Further information: Operation Pleshet. Further information: Battles of Latrun Further information: Battle for Jerusalem. Further information: Battle of Jenin Further information: Battles of the Kinarot Valley.

Further information: Battles of Negba. Further information: Battle of Be'erot Yitzhak.

Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63

Further information: Operation Kedem. Further information: Operation Dekel. Further information: Folke Bernadotte. Main article: Operation Shoter. Further information: Operation Hiram. Main article: Armistice Agreements. Area assigned for a Jewish state. Area assigned for an Arab state. Planned Corpus separatum with the intention that Jerusalem would be neither Jewish nor Arab. Israeli controlled territory from Egyptian and Jordanian controlled territory from until Main articles: Israeli casualties of war and Palestinian casualties of war.

See also: Killings and massacres during the Palestine war. Main articles: Palestinian exodus and Causes of the Palestinian exodus. Main article: Jewish exodus from Arab countries. See also: New Historians. Garfinkle Yale University Press. The Syrian and the Lebanese armies engaged in a token effort but did not stage a major attack on the Jewish state. My predilection would be to opt for the loose contemporary British formula, that of 'between , and ,' refugees; but, if pressed, , is probably a fair estimate" ; — Memo US Department of State, 4 May , FRUS, , p.

Future government of Palestine. Retrieved 13 July At the time, Ben-Gurion and the HGS believed that they had initiated a one-shot affair, albeit with the implication of a change of tactics and strategy on the Jerusalem front. In fact, they had set in motion a strategic transformation of Haganah policy. Nahshon heralded a shift from the defensive to the offensive and marked the beginning of the implementation of tochnit dalet Plan D — without Ben-Gurion or the HGS ever taking an in principle decision to embark on its implementation. American Public Television. Palestine Studies 18 1 , pp.

Congress 60 Retrieved 29 June Kurzman, "Genesis ", , p. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Archived from the original on 7 January The Middle East Quarterly.

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Fall Retrieved 6 January Columbia University Press. Walid Khalidi trans. Journal of Palestine studies, Vol. Archived from the original PDF on 28 September Intelligence and National Security. Middle Eastern Studies. Israel's Wars: A History since Arabic edition translated by Samir Jabbour. Institute of Palestine Studies, Beirut, Retrieved 20 April Kurzman, 'Genesis ', , p. Pappe, "The ethnic cleansing of Palestine", , p. A History of Iraq.

Cambridge University Press. Rogan, Avi Shlaim, chapter at pp. Retrieved 14 July King Abdullah had always acknowledged Arab as distinct from Jordanian weakness, and his son, Prince Talal, openly predicted defeat. Egypt's foreign minister, Khashaba, had already done so. He 'wished they would remain, and suggested that it was their duty to do so.

Ralph J. Archived from the original on 12 December Retrieved Sussex Academic Press. A war between Israel and the Arab States broke out immediately, and the Arab armies invaded Palestine. Volume 2, , p. Retrieved 26 June David Tal. It was now up to both sides to demonstrate the will to take advantage of the historic opportunity to live in peace and security. He viewed with great concern the continuation of resolutions before the Assembly on the question of Palestine, he said. In his view, two United Nations bodies —- the Division for Palestinian Rights and the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People —- perpetuated the notion that one party to the Middle East conflict had rights but not responsibilities.

The United States, he said, would continue to withhold its share of the budget for them, and would continue to seek their abolition. The actions of the Israeli armed forces —- destruction of homes and infrastructure and massive violations of human rights —- must be condemned. Arbitrary arrests and detention were practically an everyday occurrence. Cuba also continued to oppose the sequestration of Palestinian Authority Leader Yasser Arafat to his Ramallah headquarters.

Still, while Cuba stood resolutely behind the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, it also condemned any and all terrorist actions targeted at Israeli civilians and infrastructure. At the same time, Cuba could not abide by the manipulation of such terrorist acts as an excuse for Israel to continue its oppressive military campaign to suppress the right of all Palestinian people to live in peace and security in their own State. The security fence also literally changed the configuration of those lands, therefore, undercutting any attempt to unify the territories in a way that could lead to a peaceful solution.

It appeared that it was up to the Assembly to lead the way on that issue, due to the apparent inability of the Security Council to advance a political solution. The repeated use by the United States of its veto power on resolutions on the matter continued to hamper any real progress. The United States, he said, must cease its provision of military equipment and technologies to Israel.

Cuba called on all States to vote in favor of the drafts before the Assembly. Israel had paid no attention to any Palestinian effort to extend a truce. Moreover, the policy of Israel made it clear that it was determined to destroy all the advances of Oslo, as well as to destroy the elected Palestinian President, Yasser Arafat. Furthermore, the construction of the separation wall, Palestinian land, would negatively impact the Palestinian economy.

That construction must be immediately stopped. The arrogance of Israel when dismissing those resolutions —- and the fact that Israel had gotten away with its actions thus far —- encouraged that State to commit further acts of barbarism against the Palestinians. Israel must realize that the road to its own security and safety would only be found through the complete withdrawal from all the occupied territories and through recognizing the rights of the Palestinian people.

The international community was called on to move immediately to secure the Palestinian cause and to achieve a lasting solution to the question. Speaking in exercise of the right of reply, the Observer of Palestine said the Assembly had just heard a statement by the representative of Israel, which had reflected the same line of thought used by all occupiers and colonialists throughout history. The statement had also been fraught with lies, including that the Palestinian side had not complied with Assembly resolution If that were true, why did its colonialist settler activities continue?

Why was the expansionist wall still being built? He challenged the Israeli representative to address the establishment of two States along borders established in ; if the Israeli Government would make that move, peace would follow almost immediately. Balance between the refugee and the person occupying his home? When Israel was prepared to negotiate, the Palestinian people would be more than willing to recognize their efforts and meet them in kind to achieve much longed for peace.

The representative of Israel said that while the Palestinian Observer had said Israel had lied, the Israeli delegation had indeed told the truth. At any rate, what was more important than words was action on the ground. He said Israeli people were currently the victims of the most barbaric onslaught of terrorism in modern history.

Its people had been subjected to wholesale slaughter for years, including machine gun ambushes and suicide bombings of restaurants and other public places. That terrorism did not spontaneously arise in a vacuum, he continued. It had been the result of a systematic and orchestrated effort by the present Palestinian leadership to motivate, incite and even blackmail the weakest and most vulnerable elements of Palestinian society to forfeit their own lives in order to murder Israelis.

He stressed that the Palestinian leadership was using international funding to promote the metamorphosis of Palestinian children into killers. All that amounted not to a culture of peace, but to a culture of death. The Palestinians had a new Government in place. In his inaugural address, Prime Minister Qurei expressed a clear determination to fight terrorism, in accordance with the Road Map.

It was his expectation that the Palestinians would spare no efforts in making an all-out fight against terrorism. Another source of worry, he said, was the separation barrier that was being built mainly on Palestinian land. He urged both parties to agree to swiftly resume implementation of the Road Map. Similarly, he urged strong international involvement, which he stressed was crucial to the success of the process. The recent unanimous Security Council decision to endorse the Road Map showed that the peace plan, which called for an end to the occupation and a two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, had broad international backing.

He added that another lesson learned from the implementation of the Road Map so far was that there had to be a clear and unambiguous plan with benchmarks and a timeline for implementation. Further, a performance-based peace plan needed a mechanism for monitoring progress. The Road Map called for the establishment of such a monitoring mechanism. Norway saw such a mechanism as crucial to the success of the Road Map, and would encourage the Quartet to continue their efforts to further develop that mechanism.

The situation in the Palestinian territories had deteriorated, and the fundamental cause of that deterioration was to be found in the Israeli occupation. Israel had used unprecedented methods to maintain its occupation, including barbaric force and the use of a huge arsenal against defenseless people. There was no other conflict in the world that had spawned such feelings of violence. Recalling that it was in that Israel had first occupied a considerable part of Palestinian territory and expelled legitimate inhabitants, he added that, later, Israel had also occupied Gaza, the West Bank and Jerusalem.

With its actions, Israel had flouted all international resolutions, demonstrating its contempt for them. Moreover, Israel had also annexed Arab territories —- not just Palestinian ones —- including the Syrian Golan and Lebanon. And in order to strengthen its position in those territories, Israel had created settlements, populating them with settlers from all over the world, who were in turn provided with weapons to defend themselves.

Israel had undertaken to transform the geographic nature of those Arab territories and to exploit their natural resources, in contravention of United Nations instruments. That the world was committed to creating a Palestinian State as part of the final solution to the question of Palestine had been demonstrated by resolutions adopted in the Security Council, he continued. Without the establishment of the Palestinian State, as defined in international resolutions, there would be no settlement of the conflict.

He also said that he was honoured to present the draft resolutions on the Syrian Golan and Jerusalem. Those texts represented the views of the co-sponsors on the settlement of the situations with regard to those two areas. It continued to flout international law and oppress Arab people. Its actions in defiance of United Nations resolutions continued to lead to indiscriminate death and destruction of Arabs and Arab lands. The forces occupying the Syrian Golan continued to forcefully expel the Arab populations there.

Israel was actually changing the history of that territory, burning or razing traditional structures, enacting laws that perpetuated occupation, and continuing to build settlements, he said. The inhabitants of the Golan were living with the same suffering which the Palestinian people had been facing for so many years. Syrians stood in solidarity with those oppressed people. He said that Israel continued to use weapons of mass destruction with almost unprecedented barbarity against Syrian, Palestinian and other Arab peoples. Syria had exercised restraint and resorted to international legitimacy in all attempts to maintain the self-determination of its people and the sovereignty of its lands.

The time had come for Israel to realize that its attempts to mislead the peoples of the world had indeed failed. The tide of public opinion was indeed turning, as recent polls had shown that more and more people were recognizing that the occupation was the main cause of the tensions throughout the Middle East region. It was time to ensure that Israel abandoned its policies and abided by its international commitments.

It was the duty of the Palestinian Authority to restore the security and credibility that it needed if it were to remain an indispensable partner for peace. In that respect, the reform of its institutions and the organization of free elections would renew the foundation of its legitimacy. The new Palestinian Prime Minister should be empowered with the necessary authority to combat terror and violence, and to restore public order. He added that no political cause could justify such attacks, which in addition to their illegal and intolerable nature ruined the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people.

While Israel undoubtedly had the right to fight terrorism, the disproportionate use of armed force, however, only worsened the vicious circle of violence. Continuing, he observed that the construction of the wall gravely jeopardized the vision of two States living side by side in peace. That wall, which had been constructed beyond the Green Line, encroached considerably on the territories occupied in and paved the way for confiscations that were contrary to international humanitarian law, notably the Fourth Geneva Convention, and to the agreements signed between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

That obstacle to the peace process, which was contrary to the Road Map, had to be removed. Similarly, the building of new settlements in the occupied territories, despite the undertakings contained in the Road Map, violated international law and was also an obstacle to peace.

There was an alternative path —- one of dialogue and reconciliation, based on respect for the rights of all States and an unshakable commitment to non-violence and mutual recognition. Such a commitment had enabled Israel to conclude peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan, and paved the way for improved relations with other States, including Syria. It had also promoted the signing of the Israel-Palestinian interim agreements, which had been intended to inaugurate an historic course of reconciliation, and which had demonstrated that only a negotiated settlement —- not endless General Assembly resolutions —- could bring peace and prosperity to the region.

The hope generated by the Middle East peace process, he noted, had been founded upon a simple, yet profound, notion —- mutual recognition. Israel had proved —- and today reiterated —- its respect for the legitimate rights of all peoples in the Middle East, including for those of the Palestinian people. His country stood ready to implement the Road Map —- as envisaged by United States President Bush in June —- and to engage in genuine negotiations for a just and lasting settlement. That policy of rejectionism and terrorism had taught Israelis how to defend themselves, and hardened their resolve and dedication to protecting their welfare and legitimate rights.

However, to understand and improve the situation in the Middle East, one must examine the lack of democratic values and institutions in the region and analyze the phenomena of extremism, fundamentalism, intolerance, incitement and anti-Semitism, among other factors. Furthermore, the international community had not adequately addressed the issue of the legitimate rights of former Jewish refugees displaced from Arab countries. Determined to focus on hope rather than danger, he said that his country chose to believe that one day a leadership, guaranteeing prosperity, freedom, dignity and peace for all, would develop and emerge in the Middle East region.

Israeli colonialist policies and war crimes in Palestine continued, while suicide bombings in Israel continued as well. Polarization and religious extremism increased, he said, adding that extremist organizations resumed their work, including committing terrorist acts within their countries. The region had also witnessed a new war and a foreign military presence, which continued. The Middle East conflict and its core, the question of Palestine, meant that at least part of the region had not yet fulfilled the goals of national liberation, in all its complexities and with all its attendant impacts on social, economic and political development.

The Arabs perceived Israel as a foreign presence, representing foreign interests hostile to Arabs and their countries and determined to forestall their development. Presently, while the Arab region was in urgent need of socio-economic development and democratization, evaluating the situation there, while ignoring the historical backdrop, was not the way forward. In all cases, and despite the necessity of moving the situation in the region in the right direction, the Arab-Israeli conflict would remain the centre of gravity there until it was resolved.

He added that all must keep in mind the need to end foreign military presence in other areas, particularly Iraq. In that case, the transfer of authority to the Iraqi people and their representatives would be a positive development. But in order for Iraq to truly move towards a peaceful and stable situation, it was important for more parties from the international community to be involved, and for the Iraqi people to be convinced that the end of foreign occupation was imminent.

He went on to stress that all States must confront religious extremism, like the international war on terrorism, together. The war on terrorism must focus on terrorist groups and the breeding grounds for terrorist activity. In that regard, the international agenda must not be hijacked in favour of the narrow interests of that party at the centre of the conflict in the Middle East —- Israel.

It also seriously undermined the war on terror. Israel, he added, was an occupying Power engaged in a colonial project. The acts carried out by some Palestinian organizations against Israeli civilians were condemnable. But it should be clear that such acts were not only confined to Israel. More importantly, they were the product of occupation, colonization, oppression, and Israeli war crimes, not the cause of them. Ending the cause of those acts would definitely put an end to the phenomenon, he said. Thousands of Jews, battered by war, had arrived in the region, determined to erect a State upon Arab land.

In doing so, they expelled many Palestinians from their own land. On the oppression of Jews by Arabs, raised by the Ambassador of Israel, he said that the Arabs had throughout history given shelter to the Jews. No one had attacked those Jews that had decided to live in the Arab world before the creation of the Jewish State. However, the tolerance of those living in Palestine had allowed the Jews to make use of the British mandate and arm themselves in preparation for carrying out massacres of Palestinians.

After that, the Jews no longer encountered hospitality in Arab States. Israel had initiated war with the Arab States and had occupied those countries it had invaded. Israel had entered Lebanon in for no reason other than to pursue Palestinian refugees, and it had not vacated the country until the Lebanese resistance became too much to bear.

During the past half-century, the Middle East had witnessed much conflict, he said. And while after the end of the cold war experts had tried to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict, Israel had rejected such initiatives, because it did not feel it could accomplish its true objectives in a situation of peace. It had, in fact, rejected the Oslo Agreements, dumping responsibility for the setback onto the Arabs and Palestinians. And, having set 14 conditions on the implementation of the Road Map, Israel had also, in effect, rejected that plan.

The Middle East region had been battered and bloody for more than 50 years. The battlefield had expanded to include Iraq. However, none had the right to seek security through bringing harm to others. The Union was deeply concerned by the situation in the region and had noted that, despite the support given by the international community to the quest for a just and lasting solution, he said, insufficient efforts had been made by the concerned parties to seize the opportunity for peace set out in particular in the performance-based Road Map peace plan. He called on both Israel and the Palestinian Authority to live up to their commitments under that initiative, backed by the European Union, Russian Federation, United States and the United Nations.

He also called on all parties in the region to immediately implement policies conducive to dialogue and negotiations. He went on to say that the Union condemned suicide attacks and other acts of violence that had occurred over the last few months, and called on all sides to refrain from any provocative action, which could further escalate tensions. He reiterated that it was the duty of all countries, including those in the region, to stop harbouring and supporting, financially or otherwise, any groups or individuals that used terror and violence to advance their causes.

He added that terrorist attacks against Israel had no justification whatsoever, and called on the Palestinian leadership to concretely demonstrate its determination in the fight against extremist violence. He was also concerned by the planned route of the so-called security fence being constructed in Gaza, and called on Israel to stop and reverse its settlement policy and dismantle settlements built after March A final peace settlement in the Middle East would not be comprehensive unless it also addressed the ongoing tensions between Israel and Syria, as well as with Lebanon.

There could be no military solution to the conflict, just as there was no alternative to a negotiated settlement. Australia had also consistently supported the emergence of a Palestinian State living at peace with Israel. However, she added, for the Palestinian people to realize the legitimate aspiration to statehood, the Palestinian Authority must take firm action to end the violence. It was now more important than ever for the international community and the United Nations to work together to overcome the destructive forces in the Middle East and build a better future for its people.

However, the international community had not yet reached a just and lasting solution to it. Thus, faced with a situation in which the return to negotiations was becoming increasingly difficult and the threat of spillover of the conflict to other States was raised, he called on both sides to resume their negotiations.

Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-1963

It was anticipated that in establishing a high-level dialogue, relations between the two parties could be improved and placed on a non-confrontational plane. The Road Map, he said, addressed both the need for the Palestinian administration to take action against those killing innocent civilians and for Israel to ease the restrictions it had placed on the occupied territories and to ameliorate the suffering of the Palestinian people. Among the requirements of the process was the establishment of a mutual trust, which would open the door to solving the conflict on the basis of Security Council resolutions and other international arrangements and agreements.

The Road Map also called for a stepping up of multilateral and United Nations efforts to assist the parties. For its part, the Russian Federation would continue to work with its Quartet partners and the Arab countries to broker a settlement resulting in two States living side by side within safe and internationally recognized borders.

For decades, the Middle East had failed to achieve socio-economic development on par with other regions because of ongoing conflict and spiralling violence. One of the main hindrances to peace, security and development had been the persistence of the Israeli Government to occupy Arab lands and to oppress the Palestinian people. The Israeli Government must realize that violence bred violence. As the Israeli Government continued its aggressive polices against Syria, as well as areas of southern Lebanon, and its expansionist actions in the occupied Palestinian territories, the situation in the Middle East continued to deteriorate.

It was unreasonable for the international community to address the reasons for the conflict fabricated time and again by Israel, when the crux of the issue was Israeli occupation of Arab lands. Israel continued to obstinately implement its expansionist and oppressive policies in defiance of international laws. Indeed, that country continued to build its so-called separation wall and erect settlements throughout the territories. He strongly condemned all acts of violence and the barbarous practices of the Israeli Government against the Palestinian people.

The United Nations must continue its central role to find a settlement to all aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict and to ensure that the various resolutions that had been adopted were adhered to. He welcomed the Quartet-backed Road Map and called on Israel to abide by its commitments under that peace plan.

He also called on Israel to withdraw from the Syrian Golan, resume negotiations based on previous agreements and cease all threats to Lebanon. The Israeli Government must realize that security was a right of all the people of the region, not an exclusive right of Israel alone. UMİT PAMİR Turkey said he strongly and unequivocally condemned all acts of terrorism and violence perpetrated against the Israelis and reminded the Palestinian Authority of its responsibility to take all necessary steps to halt the violence. On the other hand, he also called on the Israeli Government to reconsider its methods for fighting terrorism.

Establishing security was paramount, but it was not the single most important objective, he said. For instance, there was no doubt that every tangible improvement in the daily lives of the Palestinians would reflect positively on the security situation on the ground. He called on both sides to pool their energies and determination to commit themselves to genuine dialogue, saying it was time for both parties to break that repetitious and vicious cycle. The new Palestinian Authority Government provided an opportunity in finding the much-needed impetus to the peace process.

In that framework, the Quartet Road Map remained the most important document that could break the current impasse between the parties. Delaying the settlement of the conflict widened despair and desolation, which, in turn, strengthened radicalism in the region and expanded on a global scale the breeding ground from which terrorists were recruited. He also urged the Assembly not to overlook the significance of the other tracks in the stalled peace process.

The revival of talks on the Syrian and Lebanese tracks was indispensable for a comprehensive settlement. Having worked diligently at all levels for a just and comprehensive solution that would bring peace to the entire region, on the basis of United Nations resolutions and international agreements, he wished to reiterate the importance of taking large and serious steps to implement the Road Map and bring the peace process back on track. That effort should envisage the creation of two States, living side by side in peace and stability, within safe and internationally recognized borders.

Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63 Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63
Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63 Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63
Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63 Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63
Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63 Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63
Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63 Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63
Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63 Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63
Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63 Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63
Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63 Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63

Related Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948–63



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