The Iraqi constitution requires the cabinet to submit such agreement for ratification and the parliament has already passed a law demanding conformity with this provision. A majority of parliamentarians also wrote a letter to Security Council members about the matter, calling for a timetable for MNF withdrawal. If Prime Minister al-Maliki again submits a request to the Security Council without parliamentary approval, a constitutional crisis in Iraq would surely follow.
GPF argues that the Council should take into account the concerns of the parliament and of the great majority of the Iraqi people, so that a withdrawal plan can be set. Speakers addressed the failure of the Global Compact to hold its signatories accountable for basic human rights, as well as environmental and labor standards. The speakers also discussed how many translational corporations exploit their Global Compact memberships to advance their public relations, and oppose initiatives calling for binding international regulation and "effective independent monitoring and auditing" of corporate activity.
Global Policy Forum Europe. Since the March invasion, the US-UK occupation of Iraq has utterly failed to bring peace, prosperity and democracy, as originally advertised. This major report assesses conditions in the country and especially the responsibility of the US-led Coalition for violations of international law. In twelve detailed chapters, brimming with information, the authors provide a unique and compelling analysis of the conflict, concluding with recommendations for action.
Among the topics covered are: destruction of cultural heritage, killing of civilians, attacks on cities and long-term military bases. To decrease their dependency on rich countries and achieve long-term development, poor countries must raise revenue domestically. In this paper, author Jens Martens looks at a range of different obstacles that prevent governments of poor countries from raising sufficient public revenue and spending it on development. For example, governments of rich countries pressure poor countries to liberalize trade, thus reducing customs revenues.
Also, ineffective tax systems exempt transnational corporations, landowners and rich individuals from paying taxes to poor countries. The author, GPF-Europe's Jens Martens, warns that "despite the image of greater flexibility and efficiency," such partnerships could increase businesses' influence in politics while impeding long-term development strategies. Martens therefore calls for a system to regulate the UN's interaction with corporations, ensuring that profit-driven initiatives do not overshadow public interests.
In light of the need for an international body with sufficient legitimacy and authority to make inclusive and effective decisions on world social and economic affairs, Global Policy Forum 's Jens Martens outlines the history of proposals to reform ECOSOC. Due to its lack of decision-making power and inappropriate size, reforming ECOSOC or establishing an alternative has been a recurrent issue of debate.
This paper discusses the "collective responsibility" of UN member states to engage in the divisive management reform process. Author Mohammad Tal criticizes the rich nations for misusing their financial clout to manipulate reform. But he also chides the developing countries for exploiting the process to acquire "special status in the organization.
A group of 27 NGOs points out that the US-led Multinational Force MNF in Iraq has seriously violated international law, including bans on the use of torture, illegal detentions, siege tactics against population centers, and "indiscriminate and especially injurious" weapons. Furthermore, the MNF is responsible for failing to address patterns of corruption and mismanagement in Iraq's development fund and reconstruction programs. Citing numerous official reports and legal texts, the letter urges Council members to "substantially reconsider, revise or terminate" the MNF's mandate to bring it into conformity with international law.
The text emphasizes that while NGO hearings by UN bodies may have a value, they should not be used "as a fig leaf to conceal the lack of more extensive forms of NGO participation. A US-backed spending cap threatens to put the UN in a financial crisis by July , unless the organization implements management reform. The meeting brought together NGOs, UN officials and diplomats to share information, discuss key issues, and consider action to strengthen the UN's finances and head off the crisis. On the eve of the Security Council's quarterly discussion on the situation in Iraq, a group of NGOs has written the Council to voice their concern.
These reports have highlighted significant violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, especially in the area of detention practices. In response, the NGOs ask the Council to break its pattern of pro forma review, "accept its responsibility" and "substantially review the mandate it has given to the MNF. In this contribution to the Social Watch Report, Jens Martens of Global Policy Forum calls for a "paradigm shift in the international discourse on development financing.
In addition to tackling these income challenges, policies must ensure poor countries spend less on debt service, harmful subsidies and military budgets. In recent years, political leaders and influential institutions have taken important steps toward global taxes, and have succeeded in making the topic less of a taboo in international relations.
While welcoming these developments, Katarina Wahlberg of Global Policy Forum argues that the recent high-level proposals neglect the vital role global taxes can play in steering global environmental and financial policy. Moreover, these proposals fail to guarantee that the tax revenue will be additional to Official Development Assistance ODA and spent in a democratic way to finance real development. Greg Muttitt's bombshell paper confirms what many have long suspected -- the big US and UK companies have enormous interest in Iraq's giant untapped oilfields.
He shows clearly how the companies have been angling to gain control of those fields and now, under the occupation, they are closing in on their goal. Production Sharing Agreements, the companies' favorite legal ploy, have already been negotiated with pliant Iraqi officials. Platform, Global Policy Forum and others.
The release was intended to influence governments to promote a more incisive approach to development, aid and security policies. This briefing paper analyzes the report and agrees with the UNDP's concern that in the current path towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals, the lack of distribution and social justice policies is leading to a "blind spot.
This briefing paper analyzes the report "Mobilising Political Will," published by the Finnish government in the context of the "Helsinki Process on Globalisation and Democracy" conference. The Helsinki Process tries to bring more democracy into the global governance system, through a "multi-stakeholder approach," involving not only governments but also NGOs and business representatives.
While participants generally expressed support for the multi-stakeholder approach, some NGO representatives hinted that sharp differences of opinion among the participants led to "too timid" suggestions on privatization, debt relief and international taxes. Since , the nominal amount of global development assistance has grown steadily, reaching its highest level ever in Yet the poorest people of the planet have benefited from the increase only to a limited extent.
The amount of aid still lags far behind the UN target of 0. They also oppose the addition of elected members, arguing that an expanded Council would be too large to function effectively and not substantially more representative.
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Instead, they propose a process of stronger regional representation as a future-oriented approach that can develop in stages and without the headache of Charter change. The Duke of Marlborough, a British aristocrat, receives over half a million pounds sterling in agricultural subsidies for his Blenheim estate near Oxford. At the same time, desperate Indian peasants, overwhelmed by subsidized imports and free-market reforms, commit suicide in large numbers.
Rahul Rao, an Oxford-based scholar, connects Blenheim with his home city of Bangalore in India, showing a global web of institutions, policies and responsibilities that simultaneously creates wealth and destitution. This Global Policy Forum and Friedrich Ebert Foundation Briefing Paper examines Secretary General Kofi Annan's UN reform agenda and notes that "for some, the initiatives are not sufficiently far-reaching, [yet] others view them as too radical and unsuitable to implement politically. After more than two years of work, the United Nations Millennium Project published its final report, "Investing in Development," in January This Global Policy Forum and Friedrich Ebert Foundation briefing paper provides a more accessible analytical summary on the massive report and places it in a political context.
The paper traces the evolution of the doctrine from post-World War II jurisprudence to codification in modern international criminal courts and tribunals. The debate surrounding the doctrine focuses on the level of knowledge a commander must possess before a court will consider him or her responsible for crimes committed by a subordinate. This essay argues that a commander is liable when he or she "should have known" about subordinates' criminal actions.
This open letter by Global Witness , World Vision and Global Policy Forum calls on the Panel to consider how natural resource exploitation fuels conflict worldwide. The letter urges the UN to create a working definition of "conflict resources" and to establish a Secretariat office or permanent inter-agency task force on natural resources issues. In this book excerpt, John Langmore argues that the Bush administration has been responsible for an aggressive and dangerous turn in US foreign policy.
He sees the Bush "revolution" as rooted in public fears of terror and a widespread national belief that the US is a uniquely benevolent power. A Kerry election victory, while welcome, would not alter the deep structure of US policy and power. This counter-summit was organized to question the expansion of corporate influence at the UN. These minutes from the meeting outline the pros and cons of the Global Compact, ultimately highlighting its inefficacy and calling for its cancellation.
Permanent members continue to pressure the Security Council through the "hidden veto" - the quiet threat that they may use their veto power. Offshore financial centers provide secret havens for money laundering and tax evasion. In this Global Policy Forum policy paper, Jason Garred pierces the veil of these mysterious places, showing how they provide services for corporations and wealthy individuals, enabling escape from onshore tax and regulatory authorities.
Garred shows that offshore centers exists with the complicity of major money-center governments and banks. They assist criminal activities, pose serious problems of international financial stability and undermine long-established tax and social welfare systems. This short paper estimates potential long-term profits by private oil companies in Iraq.
As the Council grew more active, NGOs began to seek out Council members and argue for better policies. Some positive results have followed, but great power interests set firm limits to what NGOs can achieve. James A. Paul analyzes the power and influence of US and UK oil companies. He discusses their century-long interest in Iraqi oil and the likelihood that control of Iraq's huge oil reserves drove seven wars, including the conflict. The US dollar has dropped dramatically against the Euro in , but few analysts point to the shaky economic fundamentals spelling trouble for both the dollar and for the US economy.
This Global Policy Forum paper takes a critical look at the soaring US trade deficit and possible global implications of the dollar's decline. International oil companies stand to profit enormously from control over Iraq's high-quality, plentiful oil supply and lucrative gas reserves. Western interests in and conflicts over Iraqi oil predate World War I. This article by James A. Paul describes how major international powers have combined military force and private and government pressure to control Iraq's oil.
The report discusses sharp differences in the Council over the sanctions, issues in humanitarian law, and the battle for the future of Iraq's oil riches. Paul analyzes the influence of Iraq's oil on UN sanctions policy. Behind the threatened war on Iraq, there is a US drive for "free access" to Iraqi oil and control by US and UK companies over Iraq's vast riches in oil and gas resources. A comprehensive analysis of global tax proposals, with special focus on the carbon tax and the currency transaction tax. The paper considers the political progress of these proposals and their potential for revenue raising, policy steering and redistribution, as well as other common themes.
While many hoped for a major breakthrough in the development plan for Africa, the summit ended with empty promises filled with vague initiatives. The remoteness of Kananaskis Village has sucessfully kept G8 leaders tucked away from protesters. Anti-G8 activists in Calgary are far fewer than in Genoa in , because many people held protests in their home cities instead. As the G8 begins its meeting in Kananaskis, surrounded by tanks and swarms of security forces, in nearby Calgary the counter-summit protests have begun.
A closer look at this "one-size-fits-all solution" shows that the proposal fails to address some of Africa's most urgent problems such as AIDS and exploitation, and excludes African civil society from the process. G8 leaders are convening in Kananaskis, Canada to discuss "the state of the global economy, the progress of the war on terrorism, and a new development partnership with Africa. It concludes that the IMF needs to be both strengthened and weakened, depending on the Fund's future role. Phyllis Bennis from the Institute for Policy Studies reviews what we know - and what we do not know - about the emerging Bush strategy toward Iraq, including the divergences between Powell and Cheney.
The special informal briefings by which the Council gets information and advice from outside parties. This link tells about the origins of the formula and how it is used. This paper discusses voluntary codes and regulatory approaches to the accountability of global corporate investment. Global Policy Forum takes a position on corporate power and the battle over global public policy at The United Nations.
In this essay, Global Policy Forum's Director James Paul considers unusual aspects and special problems of these micro-members of the international community. An analysis by Global Policy Forum's Director James Paul, provides historical background and emphasizes NGOs growing contemporary importance, diversity, impact on policy, etc. A narrative account of NGO access covering the period from to with many links to further information.
A comprehensive and critical page report reviewing recent progress and problems of NGOs at the UN. Prepared as input to the second report of the Secretary General. This paper provides a clear summary of European ideas on international peace during the past five centuries. The paper helps to situate the UN as a product of a long and ongoing search for a peaceful world. What are informal consultations?
Spotlight on Sustainable Development 2018
Why are they important? More importantly, why are they controversial? By Natalie Reid. Brief introduction for those unfamiliar with the issue of global taxes and charges by Kevin Baumert of Global Policy Forum. Paul of Global Policy Forum made these recommendations at a forum of German parliamentarians in Bonn on March 31, Surprising information about how citizenship can be bought, for those who want to avoid taxes in the place where they primarily live and do business.
This paper summarizes the main issues and trends in the worldwide debate on alternative financing for the UN. A comparative look at how certain states fulfill the criteria for the great-power status inferred by 'permanent' membership. Why we should refer to "elected" rather than "non-permanent" members.
Published jointly with the Council on International and Public Affairs, a substantial document issued in that outlines human rights claims to protect people from industrial pollution, toxic wastes, and the like. Inspired by tragedies like Bhopal and Chernobyl. A history of the crisis beginning in the UN's early years, covering the Reagan and Bush Administrations and the early Clinton years.
World Federalists of Canada issued this Briefing Paper which provides a history and analysis of the crisis and calls on the Canadian government to support alternative funding for the UN. A major policy paper published jointly with WEED of Germany, showing how the World Bank under Wolfensohn continues to grossly disregard the environment in its headlong race for privatization and profits.
Issued in , the statement later proved to be on the mark. It was highly critical and raised important questions about the role of NGOs. Global Policy Forum distributes this material without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes. We believe this constitutes a fair use of any such copyrighted material as provided for in 17 U. If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond fair use, you must obtain permission from the copyright owner.
Download the paper here pdf, KB. Download the Spanish version here pdf, 1,6MB. Download the statement here pdf, 71,2 KB. For single chapters, please see here. Large projects often failed to focus on the needs of civil society as successfully as microprojects did, although they had value as confidence-building measures. Nevertheless, recent civil society forums have continued to call for good governance, administrative reforms, and guarantees for human rights. Improving the image of the Partnership remains a challenge.
Ultimately, civil society cooperation between the regions could prove more effective than formal calls for democracy, and should not be neglected. This poor performance of civil society results not only from the fact that the ASEM process was conceived as a meeting between leaders, but it also has to do with other factors. Gender and Civil Society in EU Development Policy 11 In particular, the lack of internal cohesiveness between various CSOs on the one hand, and the persistent suspicion by Asian leaders who fear that such organisations may threaten their power on the other hand, have further marginalized civil society.
Nevertheless, Bersick shows that in some cases civil society has been able to affect important policy decisions. European NGOs are now asked to move from the operational ground and to concentrate on capacity building and raising development awareness. These changes represent a serious threat in terms of funding opportunities for European NGOs. Moreover, in terms of policy dialogue, while relations with some EU institutions are more structured, the general record is poor. However, the NGO response so far has been frustration, because the dialogue with EU institutions has been not well structured, and resistance, because of the limited roles they are now asked to play in EU development policy.
Notes 1 To better understand this debate, see Maxwell and Engel They argue that the future of EU development policy rests on two factors: i more or less coordination, which depends on the degree of commitment towards complementary and co-ordination between the policies pursued by Member States and European Commission; and ii more or less commitment to the Millennium Development Goals MDGs , and in particular, to poverty eradication. This debate has started a vigorous discussion among academics and practitioners.
See www. However, provisions on investment, trade, quick-impact initiatives, rural and agricultural development, sustainable development, migration and health issues, among others, left gender out. The assembled leaders resolved to enhance the contribution of civil society to national development and to building a global partnership for development, in paragraph 22 e. But sections ranging from meeting the special needs of Africa to combating terrorism left civil society out. However paragraph did welcome a new dialogue between the General Assembly 12 New Pathways in International Development and representatives of non-governmental organizations, civil society and the private sector.
The GDI is a composite index measuring average achievement in the three basic dimensions captured in the human development index: a long and healthy life, knowledge and a decent standard of living adjusted to account for inequalities between women and men. The GEM is a composite index that captures gender inequality in three key areas: economic participation, political participation and decision-making, and power over economic resources. See in particular Tarrow for a review of these criticisms. Bibliography Anheier H.
Arts K. Baden S. Jackson and R. Baker G. Boserup, E. Burnell, P. Carbone, M. Babarinde and G. Faber eds. Chambers, R. Clark, J. Cooke B. London; New York: Zed Books, Dearden, S. Edwards, M. Elson, D. Germain, R. Goetz, A. Hadenius, A. Hafner-Burton, E. Hall, J. Hickey S. Holland, M. Green Cowles and D. Hulme, D. Jackson, C. Keane J. Lewis, D. Lister, M. Maxwell S. Ottaway, M. Pearson, R. Allen and A. Thomas eds. Putnam, R. Razavi, S. Rai, S. Richey, L. Tarp ed. Seligman, A. Sen, G. Staudt, K. Tarrow, S. Tinker, I. Turner, M.
Van Rooy, A. Young, K. Lister Introduction All human societies have roles and hierarchies based on gender which affect work, reproduction and conflict inter alia. But until recent decades gender inequalities — which usually work to the disadvantage of women — have more often been accepted than disputed in Europe as well as in other parts of the world.
However, for contemporary approaches to social and economic development, overcoming gender inequalities and stereotypes is one of the fundamental challenges of the 21st century. Even contemporary approaches to development which are not specifically based on gender often challenge gender inequities. The capabilities approach, for instance, aims for a type of development process in which both women and men can develop and exercise their full human potential Nussbaum In addition, rights-based approaches to development include a strong element of gender equality.
But despite over three decades of emerging gender aware approaches in development policy, gender remains a somewhat marginalised issue area in standard development theory Baylies, and even more unusual in foreign policy and security discourses. Next, it examines the external context of gender equality, notably the Millennium Development Goals. Gender and the EU Gender has never been a subject at the heart of European Union politics or policies, but it has recently become an issue area of increasing interest and importance to EU policymakers.
Therefore in practice women lack political power at the European level. Moreover, the important theoretical debates surrounding European integration, including theories of federalism, functionalism, and neo-functionalism, have typically been gender blind, neglecting to consider the respective interests of women and men.
The basis of gender equality in the European Union lies in the Treaty of Rome, which established the European Community now Union. In a notable and progressive step, Article stipulated equal pay for women and men for equal work, as France had already done. But the justification for this action was to harmonize labour costs, not to achieve gender equality.
The debates surrounding Article never even considered the interests of women Hoskyns, Leon et al. But it was a policy objective that only developed slowly over almost four decades. They centred on law, employment and infrastructure issues. These policies benefited mainly middle class and professional women rather than grassroots organizations or socially excluded women. Immigrant women and men, for instance, often had their social and family reunification rights subordinated to immigration control. Even feminist movements in Europe were slow to take up the concerns of immigrant and black women Kofman, l However, the Community Framework Strategy on Gender Equality does include the objective of supporting the human rights of women, especially migrant and ethnic minority women.
It also incorporates objectives of incorporating gender analysis into development programmes and fighting human trafficking for sexual exploitation European Commission, There is no doubt that gender equality today comprises part of the European Union acquis, the acquired rights and benefits of the European political construction. This article specified not only equal pay for women and men for work of equal value, but also equal treatment for both sexes in matters of employment.
Equality, mainstreaming and policy Following the Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women — in which the EU played a significant role in drafting the platform of action — the EU progressively committed itself to gender equality and gender mainstreaming as a tool for accomplishing this goal European Commission, a. Mainstreaming is a leading but controversial policy for incorporating gender considerations into all aspects of development. Gender mainstreaming implies that both women and men should be involved in planning and setting the development agenda, so that the interests and needs of both sexes are met in practice Arnfred, The obstacles to gender mainstreaming have ranged from outright resistance to a lack of accountability and competition from issues like race, age, and disability.
Gender balance in decisionmaking however has not yet been achieved; it was notably lacking in the draft European Constitution, as shown in the next section. The Amsterdam Treaty also introduced a clause allowing the Council of Ministers but only under unanimity to take action to prevent discrimination in terms of sex, race, ethnicity, religion, disability, age or sexual orientation.
These principles reappeared in much the same form in the Treaty of Nice in That is, the policy of gender mainstreaming began in the 20 New Pathways in International Development area of development and then flowed into EU policy-making more generally. Gender mainstreaming then achieved wider applicability in EU policies such as the Council Recommendation on the Balanced participation of women and men in the decision making process l and the Community Framework Strategy on Gender Equality The Community Framework Strategy explicitly recognized its debt to the Beijing Platform for Action and to previous EU gender initiatives in external relations and development cooperation European Commission, Another institution active in promoting gender mainstreaming is the European Parliament.
Some EU member states have been more supportive of gender equality issues than others. The British and Austrian presidencies of l, and more generally the policies of Sweden, the Netherlands, the UK and France have been progressive towards gender issues; whereas Italy Ireland Greece and, in the case of development, the Portuguese Commissioner, were less favourable Pollack and Hafner-Burton, Gender and the European Constitution The European Convention began in to draft a constitutional treaty for the EU that could ultimately have a huge impact on all aspects of the Union, including its structure and competences European Convention, The central problematique of the Convention was to create a stronger federal core for the EU as it enlarged to encompass 25 member states, whilst maintaining as much national autonomy for the member states as possible.
As in the case of its US counterpart, neither development policy nor gender played a significant or agendasetting role in the debates. The latter omission is not surprising given the underrepresentation of women in the Convention. For the Convention as a whole, as of February , only 18 out of the representatives were women. Some countries such as France and Denmark sent no women at all as full members Leon et al. The European Council observed in l that the balanced participation of women and men in decision-making was necessary for democracy European Council, l , and in the European Commission set a target of 40 percent women members for its expert groups and committees Leon et al.
Like the drafting process, the gender content of the Constitutional Treaty also attracted criticism. Gender failed to percolate through to the sections on education, health, violence, asylum, citizenship, budgeting, defence and security Wank , or to agriculture and fisheries or environment. Gender balance in decision-making was not the only area of the Constitution that suffered from a gap between rhetoric and reality. But in the end, the final version of the Constitution was noted by Presidium member Gisela Stuart to be so complex that it would be very hard for anyone outside the debates to make sense of it Stuart, No doubt the complexity of the proposed Constitution combined with the difficulty of meeting the expectations of the many states involved contributed to the failure of the negotiations in December The success of the Irish presidency in reviving the treaty during the first half of was widely remarked.
The constitutional treaty was signed in October by the EU heads of state and government. However, the rejection of the treaty by voters in referendums in France and the Netherlands in mid makes its future very uncertain. Such programmes influence and shape the development environment in which the EU and other international actors function.
Unfortunately, the question of whether states have the will to meet the goals is still open UNDP, A report by a NGO network concluded that the European Union and four of the six member states studied — Denmark, Ireland, Netherlands and the Czech Republic — had a clear commitment to the Millennium Goals, although they still needed to do more to achieve them Alliance, The educational and health needs of women are directly included in the goals for attaining universal primary education and improving maternal health. However, given the large amount of research on the gendered nature of poverty, the vulnerability of women to HIV infection, and the vital contribution of women to environmental protection, it is surprising that gender was not mentioned more explicitly in connection with these issues.
Neither did the general call for more generous development assistance single out the need for increasing support to gender programmes. A European Commission a working document prepared for the Millennium Summit in New York noted that the target of gender parity in primary and Gender and EU Development Policy 23 secondary education by would not be achieved.
Thus, progress so far towards the Goal of gender equality, the Commission admitted, existed more in the realm of plans, strategies, policy frameworks and focal areas than outcomes. It is interesting to note that these first gender-aware steps of the EU took place in the same year that the UN General Assembly mandated UNIFEM, the United Nations Fund for Women, to ensure women were included in mainstream activities as well as in national and regional development programmes Sandler, l The Barcelona Declaration of l which established the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership between the EU and eleven southern Mediterranean states, plus the Palestinian Authority, made positive references to women.
Nevertheless, specific mechanisms for incorporating gender and even specific references to gender in the fields of economic cooperation, trade, structural adjustment and tourism are still lacking. Thus, the Cotonou Agreement could be said to have partially mainstreamed gender. Constraints on gender mainstreaming in EU development policy include the lack of gender expertise in the Development Directorate-General, the lack of commitment by many officials and the lack of adequate funding for gender training and implementation Pollack and HafnerBurton, Neither has gender reached the mainstream of the much-vaunted political dialogue of the Cotonou Agreement.
The idea of a new and more open political dialogue has even been associated with turning the Agreement into the kind of equal partnership, which has persistently escaped EUdeveloping country relations in practice Lister, l However the positive potential of an expanded political dialogue has not so far been realized. Gender issues have been notable so far mainly by their absence from the dialogue Painter and Ulmer, At the international level, mainstreaming is an issue area where the EU has not yet made much impact.
Rai found that gender mainstreaming had most impact at national level, with some in global institutions. The EU as a regional institution was not even mentioned in her study of mainstreaming. This involves providing and improving agricultural information services, including those based on ICTs information and communications technologies , to women and men as well as mainstreaming gender within the organization itself CTA, But for the women and girls experiencing denial of education, healthcare or equal rights, long-term and incrementalist approaches are inadequate.
The European Union has thus recognized the necessity of implementing special measures for women to deliver concrete gains European Commission b. Therefore the Draft Regulation on Promoting Gender Equality in Development Cooperation supplements its gender mainstreaming 26 New Pathways in International Development strategy with specific measures for women European Commission, a. It is possible that the beginning of the 21st century marked the high water point for gender and development in EU policy. In the Consultation on the Future of EU Development Policy , for instance, the European Commission sought to initiate a wide-ranging debate about the framework, actors, priorities, approaches and resources for development.
In this document gender is not absent, but neither is it central to the vision of the European Commission. The Consultation focussed on issues such as poverty security, trade, and environment. The document recognized the need for synergy between different aspects of EU external policies in terms of trade, peace, poverty and inequality, but without mentioning gender. But synergies between gender and the environment, and gender and peace are of crucial importance. Unfortunately, the EU seems to be unsure of exactly what its crosscutting themes are.
Conclusion The European Union has gradually taken on board the objective of gender equality in its array of internal and external policies. From the equal pay provisions of the Treaty of Rome in l, to the Treaty of Maastricht in , gender equality was a low-key issue for the EU. Subsequently, the Beijing Conference in pushed gender awareness further to the front of international and EU attention. The Treaty of Amsterdam made the elimination of gender inequalities an aim for the European Communities in all of its actions.
The proposed European Constitutional Treaty consolidated rather than expanded gender equality in the EU — and the process of writing the treaty has not involved the equal participation of women. Likewise, the studies in this volume suggest that EU gender equality policies for Latin America, the southern Mediterranean, and Asia — as well as the new central and eastern European member states- need further development and emphasis. Gender mainstreaming is a key strategy adopted by national governments, international and regional organizations that has challenged many orthodoxies. It aims to bring the interests of women and men, and the relations between them, into the centre of policy-making.
However, in practice implementing gender mainstreaming is often complex and difficult, facing obstacles ranging from a lack of political will to competition from other issues such as disability, race or environment. The EU has therefore recognized the need to supplement gender mainstreaming with specific projects for women. The enhanced political dialogue of the Cotonou Agreement so far has not focussed on gender issues, whilst the European Commission in its Consultation on the future of development policy admitted that gender mainstreaming in development has remained merely a good intention.
Neither has the level of funding of gender initiatives been sufficient to change deep-rooted inequalities. In the EU context, the work of activists, NGOs and grassroots movements committed to achieving gender equality continues to be important. The eight goal — develop a global partnership for development.
The advent of the information society offers increased scope for ICTs to be used to address poverty and enhance rural livelihoods. ICTs can empower rural people by amplifying their voices. Moreover, they can be used to help to cushion shock and disasters such as disease and hunger. However, gender disparities mean that these opportunities are not immediately available to the poorest of the poor-who are mostly women…Gender must be mainstreamed in all development activities, from formulation and design through to implementation and evaluation.
Arnfred, S. Arts, K. Baylies, C. Hoskyns, C. Kachingwe, K. Kofman, E. Kratsa-Tsagaropoulou, R. Leon, M. Mackie, J. Mazey, S. Moser, C. Nussbaum, M. Ofei-Aboagye, E. Painter, G. Pollack, M. Sandler, J. Shaw, J. Stuart, G. Turner, E. Wank, C. At the policy level, these provisions could well serve as a model informing other development cooperation relationships, as occurred earlier on in the broader field of human rights clauses.
However, the gender related implementation practice of ACP-EU development cooperation seems to be seriously lagging behind the paper commitments. After having sketched the general context for gender in ACP-EU relations, and the formal framework for addressing gender under the Cotonou Agreement and Compendium, this chapter will consider the gender mainstreaming record in ACPEU relations so far. In this process some of the reasons for the huge gap between policy and practice will be clarified and some directions for remedial action will become apparent.
EU development cooperation and gender: the general context for gender in ACP-EU relations The goal of achieving gender equality is crucial for development in general. The strategy of gender mainstreaming to achieve this goal is a long-term step-by-step approach, based 32 New Pathways in International Development on integrating gender issues into both policy and practice.
In the fight against poverty, the link between gender and poverty makes the promotion of gender equality in development co-operation a precondition of its success European Commission, b According to the formal paper record, the European Union indeed seems to stand out from a variety of other multilateral and bilateral donors for the level of integration of gender concerns in frameworks for development cooperation. This interest evolved over time from aspects narrowly related to relevant conditions in the internal market such as equal pay for men and women and came to comprise gender issues elsewhere in the world, including gender and development cooperation.
The constituent treaties that were produced at the different stages of the European integration process provided important initial direction in this area. Over time, also major external treaties that provide the formal framework for international cooperation, for example between the European Union and the ACP, started to take up gender concerns. At first these external treaties narrowly focussed on development co-operation and the role of women in developing countries. It was, however, only after the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in , in which the European Union played an active role, that such policy statements gained prominence and extended to the importance of mainstreaming gender in EU development cooperation policy and practice.
These intensified further in the run-up to the formulation of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals and informed their implementation phase. In the currently applicable Regulation on Promoting Gender Equality in Development Cooperation updated the earlier general arrangements. In the specific field of education in ACP countries, this was a clear conclusion of a evaluation of EU support to this sector.
However, while health and education still seem to be the main specified areas of attention, more recently also issues such as violence against women get more prominent attention. The above-mentioned Regulation specifically calls for attention to measures to combat violence European Parliament and Council, , Art. In relation to issues concerning reproductive and sexual health the European Union has taken a clear position in favour of free and informed choice see European Parliament and Council, and European Commission, b.
Measured by the quantity and substance of its formal gender provisions, respectively in the Preamble, nine different Articles, and a Joint Declaration on the actors of the partnership, that Agreement is certainly among the most advanced of its kind The Courier, Art. It also refers prominently to the outcomes of the string of United Nations World Conferences held in Rio, Vienna, Cairo, Copenhagen, Beijing, Istanbul and Rome and to the need for further action and programmes to achieve their goals. Co-operation shall help improve the access of women to all resources required for the full exercise of their fundamental rights.
Apart from gender mainstreaming and the option of specific positive measures outlined above, the Cotonou Agreement outlines a range of particular policy instruments through which gender equality could be promoted. See also Art. At the end of June a set of revisions of the Cotonou Agreement was formally adopted. This was the outcome of the first regularly scheduled five-yearly review of the Agreement and contained no changes or additions of special gender relevance ACP Secretariat, The Cotonou Compendium is meant to complement and specify the text of the main Agreement and is to provide implementation guidelines for specific areas or sectors of co-operation.
It is a document which is supposed to be more flexible than the Agreement proper, as it can be updated any time by the joint ACP-EU Council of Ministers Arts, a However, as of August such updating had not yet taken place. Section 4. Finally it provides for the encouragement and support of gender-sensitive revision of existing policy, legal and administrative frameworks Ibid. Whether or not this paper commitment will make a difference in practice is of course determined by the level and speed of implementation efforts, if any.
European Commission, b , the assessments of the record of EU gender and development policy implementation by non-EU actors is at least more mixed, and at times straightforwardly more negative. Hopefully, such a positive trend has been strengthened by the prominence of gender issues in the Cotonou Agreement, the conclusion of which approximately coincided with the evaluation report referred to immediately above. However, so far this has not yet led to an unambiguously positive gender mainstreaming practice overall in ACP-EU development cooperation. A rather serious question emerges from the choice of the six priority areas of development cooperation as the ones to focus on for gender mainstreaming.
The areas are: support for macro-economic policies, including social sector programmes in health and education; food security and sustainable rural development; transport; institutional capacity building, good governance and the rule of law; trade and development; regional integration and cooperation. In several of the areas that receive the bulk of EU aid, most notably transport mainly road construction and maintenance and macro-economic support, incorporation of gender concerns is still in its infancy and is not likely to find a ready ear quickly European Commission, 3; Painter and Ulmer, ; see also Sutton et al.
More broadly there are reasons for serious concern about the prospects for actually mainstreaming gender in EU development cooperation if one explores the record so far in a range of key areas of activity such as trade, political dialogue and security. Another glaring example is the fact that the economic and trade co-operation provisions of the Cotonou Agreement, which in some of its general provisions is so gender sensitive, do not refer to the gender aspects of trade at all.
More generally, at present the European Union seems to be determined to continue unchanged its trade liberalization policy in relation to the ACP, regardless of increasing resistance among its ACP counterparts and ACP civil society organizations, and of ever more indications that the currently negotiated ACP-EU Economic Partnership Agreements EPAs may have rather serious negative effects on gender and poverty problems see e.
While compared to most member states the EU has done good work in terms of conceptualizing the gender aspects of conflict and analyzing the position and role of women and girls in armed conflict, conflict prevention and so on, much more can and should be done still to fully engender EU Gender and ACP-EU Relations 39 peace and security policy CONCORD, ; APRODEV, and in taking up primary security challenges for women such as domestic and sexual violence.
Action required The above review clarifies that gender mainstreaming of EU development cooperation has largely remained an exercise of expressing policy priorities and intentions, which have not been followed up by active and well-supported implementation efforts. Apart from problems of institutional culture and power relations which structurally maintain the status quo and block progress on gender mainstreaming agendas in the EU and in most ACP countries like elsewhere , there are more specific factors which explain the disappointing implementation record, especially on the side of the EU so far.
First of all there is the issue of resources. However, so far, there seems to be a trend to reduce the available budgets rather than to do the necessary opposite. The amount for the gender budget line is negligible and has continuously decreased. From 5 Mio Euro in , it was nearly halved to less than 3 Mio Euro in There is not much reason to expect a radically different financial picture in terms of available resources for gender-related work in the ACP countries, especially given the at best modest gender performance of the Country Strategy Papers.
The complex and bureaucratic EU organization is also a serious hurdle in the process. As noted in many sources, procedures are all too often lengthy and burdensome. An evaluation of the EC Country Strategy for the Dominican Republic between and put some of the issues as follows. The non-availability of reliable and gender disaggregated data is a significant obstacle on the road towards gender mainstreaming. In the context of monitoring progress towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals, since the Commission has been involved in some international projects to improve the availability and reliability of statistical data, in a constructive attempt to remedy the existing information gap European Commission, a Finally, both EU and ACP actors should exploit the possibilities of ongoing political and policy dialogues more.
Explicitly raising gender concerns and exchanging experiences, positive and negative, potentially is a powerful learning process for both sides. Notes 1 While strictly speaking trade and development cooperation with ACP countries fall within the scope of activities of the European Community, and foreign policy aspects of the same relationship are dealt with by the European Union, for reasons of readability and simplicity this chapter mainly refers to European Union or EU. See for instance Karadenzili Development Researchers Network et al.
Karadenizli, M. Montes, C. Rodenberg, B. Sutton, D. Ulmer, K. This page intentionally left blank Chapter 3 Gender Equality and EU Development Policy towards Latin America Gloria Angulo and Christian Freres Introduction The issue of gender equality has been on the agenda of European development policy for Latin America for the past decade but it has never been considered a central theme. The chapter is organized into three sections followed by conclusions. The first part is an overview of the situation of women and gender equality in Latin America during the last few decades, placing emphasis on the role of civil society.
In the second section the overall framework for gender equality in European Community EC development policy and the specific structures for Latin America are briefly reviewed. This provides the necessary context for analysing how a Gender and Development approach GAD has — or has not — become integrated into programming and implementation of EC development assistance for this region, which is the aim of the third section. On the basis of this admittedly limited evidence it is a topic that has not received much attention in the literature to date , this chapter advances some general reflections in the final part.
For some women, there have been greater opportunities to use their educational skills, generate income, and participate in social and political processes that define their future. Other women, however, have not been able to take advantage of general progress. These differences reveal the pervasiveness of poverty, inequality and social exclusion in the region. Overall, national indicators for women have improved considerably in Latin America. Life expectancy has increased and in was estimated to be 73 years for women and 68 for men.
At the same time, the fertility rate decreased to 2. In education, gender parity has almost been attained; in fact, the educational lag of boys is a new challenge for the region, particularly in the Caribbean. Girls outnumber boys in secondary education and have better educational achievements in all levels, including higher education. Nonetheless, regional averages hide the enormous disparities among and, especially, within countries. The most obvious differences are between women of different income levels, between women who live in urban and rural areas and, particularly, among women of different ethnic or racial origins.
In countries such as Guatemala, Bolivia and Mexico, indigenous women have the lowest educational levels and the highest fertility and maternal mortality rates. The educational progress of women is not reflected in equal opportunities and salary levels in the labour market. Women have higher rates of unemployment than men and are overrepresented in the informal economy and in low-productivity jobs.
Occupational discrimination, along with stigma, affects mostly indigenous and black women IADB, The rise of women has been particularly relevant in the political sphere. Women have greatly increased their participation in decision-making at all levels of government, including high level posts, municipal councils, provincial governments and political parties.
In , women occupied 15 per cent of the parliamentary seats in the region, compared to nine per cent in , thanks to quota systems, although they are still far from the target of 30 per cent approved in many countries of the region IADB, However, a decade after the Beijing Conference it is widely admitted that achievements are insufficient. The deterioration of most of the regional economies, the frequent institutional crises and the persistence of high levels of poverty and inequality do not provide a propitious scenario for gender equality. Even so, legal frameworks have been improved in almost all countries, whether by the introduction of changes in constitutions, the subscription and ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women CEDAW , the adoption of laws on domestic violence or the removal of all direct forms of discrimination from civil, penal and family legislation.
In that sense, the region is, today, better equipped to confront inequalities than a decade ago. Other issues are still pending, such as those Gender and EU-Latin America Relations 47 related to sexual violence and, especially, the recognition of reproductive rights, fundamental for increasing the autonomy of women. All countries in the region have established mechanisms for the advance of women operating at different levels; other institutions with a gender equality mandate have also been promoted, including public defenders, civil and police units against domestic violence2 or sector programmes on employment training for women.
However, institutional fragility threatens many of these mechanisms. This is not only because of the lack of human, technical and financial recourses to formulate policies and implement them, but also because their existence has been called into question. That is, a number of voices are now advocating their elimination or integration within other institutions with a much more prominent welfare approach Guzman, In this sense, there is a real risk that some gains obtained in the s might be lost. It is also important to note the high level of transnationalization with the creation of numerous Latin American networks Saporta et al.
In sum, women in Latin America have achieved greater capacity to exercise their agency. Better access to employment and education and the accumulation of experiences and resources to implement public policies from a gender perspective have been key factors in improving their autonomy. Nevertheless, the impact of this process varies from country to country and among different groups of women, demonstrating the persistence of social structures of inequality, in particular in relation to the participation of women in the labour market and in the political arena.
At the same time, it is important to note that the roots of inequality are well anchored not only in institutions in the public sphere, but also, primarily, in the private life of individuals. In this perspective, one explanation for the persistence of labour, social and political discrimination lies in the fact that the redistribution of power has not arrived at the family. Women have attained formal equality, which means new opportunities to take part in the public sphere on more equal grounds but, the absence of measures and actions that support equality in the family — in the caring activities and in the distribution of time — prevents women from exercising citizenship more fully and achieving real equality.
The harmonization of public and private life, along with the challenges described above, forms part of the Latin American agenda for the coming years. However, major EC policy statements on gender equality in development co-operation were already adopted in in the wake of the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing. Gender mainstreaming in EC development policy As a result of the preparations for Beijing Conference as well as its final declaration, the EU Council approved a resolution on integrating gender issues in development cooperation in December European Council, In fact, this key policy document established the importance of a dual approach, combining mainstreaming efforts with specific actions for the empowerment of women.
Shortly afterwards December , the Council Regulation on Integration of Gender Issues in Development Cooperation provided a legal base for use of the gender budget line in support of gender mainstreaming in EC development cooperation. The gender equality objective in Development Policy was reinforced with the joint approval by the Commission and the Council in of the Development Policy Statement EC, a which established the obligation to mainstream gender equality in all areas of EC development policy as one of four cross-cutting issues.
Finally, in a Council Regulation was approved to define objectives, priorities and a budget for EU policy in this area EC, In sum, it can be said that gender equality has received considerable attention at the overall policy level within the European Community.
However, an evaluation carried out in Braithwaite, noted that actual results were not so encouraging. Several problems were cited, including: an inadequate information strategy leading to a low level of knowledge within the EC and among partners ; inconsistent application of gender equality principles; slow operationalization, insufficient capacity-building and limited resources for mainstreaming.
More generally, the evaluation argues that EC policy takes an efficiency approach whereby the reason for engaging in gender mainstreaming is to support the main policy objective of poverty reduction, and it is not seen as a Gender and EU-Latin America Relations 49 development goal in its own right. A first formal recognition of its importance may be found in the regulation governing cooperation with the countries of Asia and Latin America European Council, This legislative framework notes that EC interventions should not have detrimental effects on women and that some projects should specifically aim at increasing their economic, social, and political participation.
This Women in Development approach WID was also included in several of the cooperation agreements signed with Latin American countries and sub-regions.
The European Union’s Actorness and Presence in Humanitarian Assistance Affairs
For instance, in the framework agreement signed with the Central American nations in , the first article on cooperation noted that priority should be placed on development projects aimed at satisfying the needs of disadvantaged groups, including women. An approach that was much more focused on the gender equality objective was evident when the first European Union — Latin America and the Caribbean Summit was held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in June More importantly, in a followup meeting to this summit in Tuusula Finland officials in both regions decided to narrow down the list of priorities to a more manageable number 11 as opposed to 55 , including as number three, the promotion of the role of women.
The Commission prepared a report shortly afterwards EC, b establishing a strategy for how it would contribute to follow-up activities on the 11 Tuusula priorities. For priority three, the EC committed itself to adopt programmes and projects related to the Beijing Declaration priority areas, although it did not specify how this would be done.
The situational analysis included in the Latin American Regional Strategy makes some references to the need to promote social integration policies by placing priority on disadvantaged people and groups, including women. For example, according to Chilean government sources involved in bilateral negotiations for signing an Association Agreement completed at the Madrid bi-regional Summit in May 5 it was the Latin American side which 50 New Pathways in International Development brought up the issue of including gender equality in the chapter on co-operation, an idea however, that was immediately accepted by the EU negotiators.
For the third bi-regional Summit, held in May , the theme of social cohesion was chosen as one of the main priorities. This choice did not necessarily result in greater attention to the issue of gender equality, but it did put the overall problem of inequality and social exclusion — both closely linked with gender discrimination — at the forefront of the EU-Latin American policy dialogue.
This was quite evident from the final declaration at the Guadalajara Summit Mexico that referred to the need to prevent violence against women art. Overall, the issue of gender has been on the bi-regional agenda for the past decade, although it has not been discussed in depth. In fact, translation of the EC commitment to gender equality in development cooperation has been quite irregular. Gender equality in current EU Latin American development policy A review of Community assistance programming documents and data available on actual implementation -through past and current bilateral frameworks, horizontal programmes and the gender equality budget line- provides some information on the extent to which and how gender equality has been integrated into EC aid towards Latin America.
However, it should be noted that there is relatively little data available on resources the Commission has specifically allocated to gender-related activities in its co-operation with Latin America. However, this budget line is only one source of funding. A more important channel has been bilateral and regional co-operation budgets that include some relatively significant programmes in Latin America.
This programme aimed to promote equal opportunities for Panamanian women in the political, social, and economic spheres through gender mainstreaming in public institutions, strengthening civil society and building awareness in the whole society. For instance, the URB-AL programme linking European and Latin American municipalities, included a specific network focused on promoting the role of women in local decision-making bodies, while several other networks sponsored projects related to gender equality.
Since they were institutionalised in , Country Strategy Papers CSPs have become one of the main instruments for programming EC development cooperation and have been identified by the EU as essential building blocks for effective gender mainstreaming. As stated in the Guidelines for Implementation of the Common Framework for Country Strategy Papers, gender equality is a cross—cutting concern and its achievement should motivate and inform all areas of programming.
However, the Framework for CSPs contains very little and inconsistent guidance on the integration of gender, both in the policy and country analysis sections and in the planning sections; this could explain, at least, to some extent, why gender concerns are so poorly addressed in country strategies Braithwaite, The Latin American CSPs provide a good, albeit partial, indication of how far gender mainstreaming has advanced in EC aid in this region.
The following analysis is 52 New Pathways in International Development based on a review of 18 country and four regional and sub-regional strategy papers for the period The underlying implication is that promoting gender equality is not a question of human rights and therefore an objective in itself, but an efficient means to a social end, making women an instrument in this process.
Indeed, in most cases, the concept of gender has been limited to a concern for women i. As a result, gender mainstreaming is reduced to targeting women who are seen as helpless and disempowered. There is also a lack of clarity concerning concepts like gender equality which is confused with equal opportunities for men and women in the Argentina, Guatemala and El Salvador CSPs. Gender equality or alternative concepts are regularly included in country strategy papers as a cross-cutting issue as a standard statement of principle , but this objective is not an integral part of the strategy, nor is there an analysis of what this means in practice or how the principle should be implemented.
Gender analysis is an important component of gender mainstreaming; both qualitative and quantitative information are needed to raise awareness and to improve planning and monitor progress. Gender references mainly concern discrimination against women in terms of income and job opportunities in the case of the Peru, Uruguay, Argentina and Brazil CSPs, and in relation to the increased poverty prevalence among women in the Peru, Ecuador and Nicaragua strategies and in the mid-term review of the Argentina CSP, as well.
National gender policies or discrimination against women in relation to access to political power are mentioned in the Argentina, Bolivia and Guatemala CSPs while the issue of violence against women is addressed in the Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama strategies. Another horizontal issue that interacts with gender against indigenous populations is briefly referred to in the Guatemala and Bolivia CSPs and in the Latin American Regional Strategy Paper.
Data and indicators disaggregated by sex are lacking or are not presented in a regular manner. The Bolivia strategy deals with gender disparities in access to education and health, but it does not convert them into specific priorities. The rather irregular way in which gender issues are addressed in the country analysis sections does not contribute to mainstreaming gender equality concerns in focal sectors.
The Peru CSP cites women in vocational training while labour market discrimination for women is a main concern in the Mexico, Paraguay and Chile strategies. A number of projects cofinanced by the Commission have given some attention to gender equality issues in the context of its support for civil society. This organization has also lobbied EU institutions constantly on this matter.
Overall, there is considerable potential in the chosen focal sectors to reduce gender disparities, particularly regarding skills training and labour market and decision-making participation. However, as stated in an EC evaluation Braithwaite, these positive effects will only be realised if gender issues are adequately addressed at appropriate levels.
This assessment reveals that integration of gender concerns was uneven in country documents and it has been given a low priority by EC structures. In fact, personal motivation and willingness, together with the recourse to feminine technical expertise were found to be key factors for mainstreaming gender equality issues in development projects.
NGO projects as well, although small, have been instrumental in making gender justice concerns arise. In this sense, when gender 54 New Pathways in International Development equality is not a stated objective in a given project, results are quite limited. However, there is not enough information to determine if changes have reached very gendered institutions like public organizations or the family.
Looking towards future initiatives, it is striking to observe that the call for proposals for the EuroSociAL programme — the main EC instrument for promoting social cohesion — in early does not specifically mention equality between men and women. Conclusion The position of women in Latin American countries has improved over the past decades although poverty and lack of opportunities persist, in particular, for rural women and indigenous and afro-descendant women.
The policies governing relations between the European Community and Latin American countries are the first entry point for attention to gender equality. The commitment to gender equality included in the Regulation seems to have faded away, a decade after, in the more recent Commission regional and sub-regional policy and programming documents.
The gender dimension is noticeably absent in the development strategies except in the Latin American Regional Strategy Paper, where women are only briefly mentioned as a disadvantaged group. A far better formulation is reflected in documents resulting from EU-Latin American high level policy dialogue: the Rio Declaration expressed commitment to the equal rights of men and women and full gender equality. Nonetheless, follow up has been uneven. Comprehension of gender concepts is still limited and references made to gender inequalities in situational analysis of current country strategies are scarce and seldom carried through to priority areas for intervention and implementation.
Skills training and labour market and decision-making participation are the main focal sectors of intervention in which gender mainstreaming is better understood.
Related New Pathways in International Development: Gender And Civil Society in EU Policy
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