Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40

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The formation of the National Government, with the purpose of forming a majority in Parliament so the Government could make cuts, gave the cpgb a chance to promote its vision of an alternative and to mobilise the British workers against former Labour Party Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, his Conservative allies, and the Labour Party. The cpgb could argue that its paper had been subject of an attack for criticising the policy of the National Government, hardly the act of a democratic government.

However the cpgb was keen to show that the actions of the police towards the Daily Worker were evidence of a move towards a more direct form of fascism. This occurred due to a number of considerations, both international and domestic. On the domestic front, Kevin Morgan has argued that the General Secretary of the cpgb , Harry Pollitt, was becoming increasingly convinced that such an ultra-sectarian strategy was not convincing the working classes.

The cpgb had to contend with the emergence of a new organisation prior to the General Election — the New Party of Sir Oswald Mosley. A former Conservative, and later left-leaning Labour mp , Mosley epitomised the collaborationist nature of Labour Party. His resignation as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in May was derided by the cpgb as a ploy on the part of the Labour leadership to channel discontent of the second Labour Government into the Independent Labour Party ilp. Indeed as an organisation itself, it has received only scant attention by historians, often featuring in biographies of leading figures.

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National Labour was therefore both the cheerleader of the National Government, and the left-wing cover it needed in order to attract a proportion of the working classes to its cause. Yeats-Brown was an early British advocate of Benito Mussolini. Although the Party did not go as far as to call MacDonald out as a fascist, it did regard him akin to the Presidential Cabinets of Weimar Germany — whose willingness to work with capitalists edged the country ever closer towards open fascism. This shift was also receptive to international events, the appointment of Hitler as Chancellor of Germany in particular.

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The adoption of the Popular Front in marked a turning point in how the Comintern, and the cpgb , engaged with the idea of fascism. As Keith Hodgson states, the analysis of fascism remained one of capitalist decay, but the cpgb was able to tailor its message to suit the British audience. Thus the cpgb would come to portray the world situation in Europe as one of democracy, a liberal or capitalist democracy in the case of Britain, versus fascism.

With the outbreak of civil war in Spain in July , the cpgb had an opportunity to put this more simplified analysis of fascism into practice. As Thorpe has argued, the timing of the civil war could not have been better 63 and the cpgb emerged as the most energetic force in Britain calling for action to help the Spanish Republic. It was an analysis that could resonate with the British people regardless of political affiliation. A leading figure of the Marxist, but non- cpgb left, John Strachey, took up this idea and wrote that Spain was a democracy like Britain, elected on a model similar to that of France.

Fascist Italy and the Middle East, N. Arielli: Middle East: Amazon Canada

With this analysis the cpgb sought to tap into British ideas of democracy. They were not the only ones to do so as Tom Buchanan has shown. It also put the British people on their guard for, as the cpgb could argue, if fascists were willing to wage war upon one democracy, what was to suggest that they leave Britain alone in the future. Although used by the Soviet Union and Comintern as an expression of anti-Trotskyism, 77 in Britain, the term evolved into those within the establishment with pro-German tendencies.

There was a reason for playing down the anti-Trotskyist element for a domestic audience as Trotskyism had a marginal following in Britain.

Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40

Other organisations with a clear pro-German platform were regarded with suspicion. That the bulk of its membership were businessmen, industrialists, and often linked to the Conservative Party, only strengthened these suspicions, whilst also confirming the view of fascism as a form of capitalist dictatorship. It investigated the membership of groups such as the agf and rbc , listing names of peers and mp s.

From Socialist to Fascist - Benito Mussolini in World War 1 I WHO DID WHAT IN WW1?

Although they were not seen to be promoting a fascist agenda on British soil, their support for Nazi Germany was regarded as a dangerous, potential first step. The Party would play on these ideals in order to draw an image of fascism as a foreign creed, and one that was entirely alien to Great Britain and its political traditions.

Before the adoption of the Popular Front in , the buf was regarded by the cpgb as the armed wing of the real fascist danger in Britain: the National Government. With the former, the cpgb was at pains to expose the anti-working class nature of fascism.

Benito Mussolini

As Coupland has shown, the Firestone Factory strike in Brentford was an early attempt by the buf and its union, the fubw , to court the working-class vote. Nor was fascism a danger the working classes only. A wave of bankruptcies sweeping through the middle class.

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This analysis was prominent up until the adoption of the Popular Front. With the latter analysis of fascism as un-British the cpgb played upon British ideals tolerance, moderation and a rejection of violent political extremism. Book Format: Choose an option. Product Highlights An examination of why and how Fascist Italy sought to increase its influence in the Middle East, and why Italian efforts ultimately failed.

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  • Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933–40.
  • Offering fresh insights into Fascist Italy's foreign and colonial policies, this book makes an important contribution to the complex history of relations betwee. About This Item We aim to show you accurate product information. Manufacturers, suppliers and others provide what you see here, and we have not verified it. See our disclaimer. Customer Reviews.

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    Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40 Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40
    Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40 Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40
    Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40 Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40
    Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40 Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40
    Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40 Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40
    Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40 Fascist Italy and the Middle East, 1933-40

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